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Historical Dictionaries of Peoples and Cultures 
Jon Woronoff, Series Editor 

1 . The Kurds, by Michael M. Gunter, 2004. 

2. The Inuit, by Pamela R. Stern, 2004. 

3. The Druzes, by Samy Swayd, 2006. 

4. Southeast Asian Massif, by Jean Michaud, 2006. 

5. The Berbers (Imazighen), by Hsain Ilahiane, 2006. 

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Historical Dictionary of 
the Berbers (Imazighen) 

Hsain Ilahiane 

Historical Dictionaries of 
Peoples and Cultures, No. 5 

The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 

Lanham, Maryland • Toronto • Oxford 


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Published in the United States of America 

by Scarecrow Press, Inc. 

A wholly owned subsidiary of 

The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 

4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 arecrowpress .com 

PO Box 317 


OX2 9RU, UK 

Copyright © 2006 by Hsain Ilahiane 

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a 
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, 
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission 
of the publisher. 

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Ilahiane, Hsain. 

Historical dictionary of the Berbers (Imazighen) / Hsain Ilahiane. 
p. cm. — (Historical dictionaries of peoples and cultures ; no. 5) 

Includes bibliographical references. 

ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-5452-9 (hardcover : alk. paper) 

ISBN-10: 0-8108-5452-X (hardcover : alk. paper) 

1. Berbers — Dictionaries. I. Title. II. Series: Historical dictionaries of peoples 
and cultures ; no. 5. 

DT193.5.B45I447 2006 
961 '.00493 3003 -dc22 



kEJ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 
American National Standard for Information Sciences — Permanence of Paper 
for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. 
Manufactured in the United States of America. 

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To my wife and liver, Ann. 

My identity, my culture, is not an administrative file 

that the authority legitimizes and draws up, opens, and closes 

at its convenience and with which I must comply. 

Culture is the daily construction of a free society. 

-Kateb Yacine (1929-1989) 

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Editor's Foreword Jon Woronoff ix 

Acknowledgments xi 

Reader's Note xiii 

List of Acronyms and Abbreviations xv 

Chronology xvii 

Introduction xxix 


Appendix A: Ruling Chronologies of Berber Dynasties 151 

Appendix B: Maps 159 

Appendix C: Berber Alphabet 181 

Bibliography 183 

About the Author 319 


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Editor's Foreword 

The Berbers are the remnants of the original inhabitants of North 
Africa, presently living in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, where 
they account for much of the population, and Burkina Faso, Mauritania, 
Mali, and Niger, where they are smaller minorities, with a notable dias- 
pora in France. That much is known, but not much more, not even 
roughly how many of them there are, while their origins are still 
shrouded in mystery. This is not surprising, after surviving Punic, Ro- 
man, Byzantine, Vandal, Arab, Ottoman, French, Italian, and Spanish 
invasions and settlement and not really being tolerated by the govern- 
ments of the modern states. They contributed heavily to the spread of 
Islam and are Muslims, but that, as well as pressures from a long suc- 
cession of conquerors, has dampened their identity and constricted 
those using the language. Yet the Imazighen (or free men) are still there 
and still cling to the hopes of greater acceptance and representation. 

This makes the Historical Dictionary of the Berbers (Imazighen) like 
some others in this series more significant than ordinary reference 
works because it has to provide information about another people 
whose past is less well known and whose future is less certain. This is 
done in several ways, not least of which is a chronology that reaches all 
the way back and comes up to the present. The introduction places the 
Imazighen in context, showing just what they are up against. And the 
dictionary, the foundation of the book, provides an impressive collec- 
tion of entries on important persons, places, events, institutions, and as- 
pects of culture, society, economy, and politics, past and present. Given 
the difficulty in finding out about the Berbers, the bibliography is a pre- 
cious tool and leads to further sources of information. 

This volume was written by one of the few specialists and himself an 
Amazigh from Morocco, Hsain Ilahiane. After studying at the Lycee in 
Morocco and American universities, he joined the faculty of Iowa State 


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University, where he is presently associate professor of anthropology. 
Dr. Ilahiane has written many scholarly articles on the Berbers, Arabs, 
and Haratine and is the author of the book Ethnicities, Community 
Making, and Agrarian Change: The Political Ecology of a Moroccan 
Oasis. This historical dictionary takes him much further in many direc- 
tions, expanding his own horizons and also contributing to expanding 
those of interested readers. 

Jon Woronoff 
Series Editor 

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I would like to thank Thomas Park for encouraging me to write this 
book and Aomar Bourn and Imad Abbadi for sharing additional mate- 
rial and stories on the Berbers. I would also like to thank Abdellah Ham- 
moudi and Nabil Chbouki for their interest in my work and encourage- 
ment and Jessaca Fox for tracking references. I would also like to 
acknowledge the interlibrary desk at Iowa State University whose work 
has made my task so much easier. I owe special thanks to both the se- 
ries editor and the press for accommodating my delays as the tenure 
process shifted my attention. Most important, I acknowledge my wife, 
Ann, and my other family in Berber country for having patience with 
my endeavors. 

X I 

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Reader's Note 

It is generally recognized that efforts at transliterating North African 
vernacular terms and proper names and places, whether Berber or Ara- 
bic, present a real challenge for nonnative speakers of North African 
languages. To make sense of these terms, I have followed the conven- 
tions of the International Journal of Middle East Studies. For Arabic 
and Berber, the consonant kh is pronounced as in Bach and gh as the 
French r. The Arabic 'ain has been rendered with ', and the hamza, the 
glottal stop diacritical mark, with \ Place-names and common proper 
names with English and French spellings appear as they do in English 
and French and are not transliterated. Thus, ksar, not qsar or al-qasr; 
Qur'an, not Quran. 

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Acronyms and Abbreviations 

ALN Armee de Liberation Nationale 

AMREC Association Marocaine de la Recherche et de l'Echange 


ARLA Armee Revolutionnaire de Liberation de l'Azawad 

ARLN Armee Revolutionnaire de Liberation du Nord Niger 

AUMA Association des Ulemas Musulmans Algeriens 

CCE Comite de Coordination et d' Execution 

CERAM Centre d' Etudes et de Recherches Amazigh 

CILSS Comite Inter-Etats pour La Lutte Contre la Secheresse 

CMA Congres Mondial Amazigh 

CNC Conseil National de Coordination 

CNRA Conseil National de la Revolution Algerienne 

CRA Coordination de la Resistance Armee 

CRUA Comite Revolutionnaire pour l'Unite et l'Action 

ENA Etoile Nord-Africaine 

FFS Front des Forces Socialistes 

FIAA Front Islamique Arabe de l'Azaouad 

FIS Front Islamique du Salut 

FLA Front pour la Liberation de l'Azaouad 

FLAA Front de Liberation de l'Ai'r et de l'Azawad 

FLN Front de Liberation Nationale 

FLT Front de Liberation de Temust 

FPLA Front Populaire de Liberation de l'Azaouad 

FPLN Front Populaire pour la Liberation du Niger 

FPLS Front Patriotique de Liberation du Sahara 

GPRA Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne 

HCA Haut Commissariat a l'Amazighite 

IFAN Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire 

IHEM Institut des hautes etudes Marocaines 

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IRCAM Institut Royal pour la Culture Amazigh 

MCB Mouvement Culturel Berbere 

MFUA Mouvements et Fronts Unifies de l'Azaouad 

MNP Mouvement National Populaire 

MP Mouvement Populaire 

MPA Mouvement Populaire de l'Azaouad 

MPDC Mouvement Populaire, Democratique et Constitutionnel 

MRA Mouvement de Renouveau Algerien 

MTLD Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertes Democratiques 

OAS Organisation Armee Secrete 

ORA Organisation de la Resistance Armee 

OS Organisation speciale 

PCA Parti Communiste Algerien 

PDA Parti Democratique Amazigh 

PJD Parti de la Justice et Developpement 

PPA Parti du Peuple Algerien 

PUND Parti pour l'Unite Nationale et la Democratie 

RCD Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratie 

UD l'Union Democratique 

UDMA Union Democratique du Manifeste Algerien 

UDPS Union pour la Democratie et Progres Social 

UMA Union du Maghreb Arabe 

USFP Union Socialiste des Forces Populaires 

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7000-5000 B.C. Capsian civilization; emergence of proto- 
Mediterranean peoples, ancestors of the Berbers. 

6000-2000 B.C. Neolithic period in the Maghreb and the Sahara. 

3300 B.C. Egyptian archeological records refer to a battle be- 

tween the army of the Pharaohs and Libyans 
(called tehenu). 

1214 B.C. King Ramses II recruits Libyans to fight the Hit- 


1279-1213 B.C. King Ramses II invites Libyans to settle near 
Memphis and Libyan domination of Middle 

1000 B.C. Phoenicians acquire trading posts in Spain and es- 

tablish ports of call in Sicily, North Africa, and 
elsewhere in the western Mediterranean. 

950 B.C. Sheshonq I, a Libyan, founds the 22nd Egyptian 


814 B.C. Foundation of Carthage by Phoenicians escaping 

from Tyre with Princess Dido. 

500-400 B.C. Formation of Berber Kingdoms: Mauritania in the 

west, Massaessyles in the center, and Massyles in 
the east. 

400-500 B.C. Carthage expands into its African hinterlands. 

264-241 B.C. First Punic War with Rome; Carthaginians occupy 


239-237 B.C. Mathos and Libyans revolt against Carthage and 

occupy Tunis, Utica, and Bizerte. 

220 B.C. Syphax is king of the Massaessyles of Numidia. 

218-202 B.C. Second Punic War. 

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204 B.C. Defeat of Syphax; Massinissa encroaches on Cirta 

and makes it his headquarters. 
Massinissa, king of the Massyles kingdom. 
Numidic-Phoenician war; defeat of Carthage in 

Death of Massinissa. 

Third Punic War; final destruction of Carthage; be- 
ginning of the Roman occupation of North Africa; 
foundation of Africa Proconsularis. 
Jugurtha, Massinissa's grandson, unites Numidia. 
Jugurfhine War; Jugurtha defies the Romans; he is 
eventually betrayed by King Bocchus of Maureta- 

Hierbas unites Numidia and is ruined by Rome. 
Defeat of Juba I; Rome annexes Numidia and cre- 
ates the Roman province of Africa Nova. 
Death of King Bocchus of Mauritania. 
Augustus gives Mauritania to Juba II as a client 

Revolt of Tacfarinas. 

Death of Juba II; accession of his son Ptolemy. 
Murder of Ptolemy by Caligula. 
Rome creates Mauritania Tingitana in the west and 
Mauritania Caesariensis in the center. 
Moor and Numidian revolts. 
Christianity enters the Maghreb. 
Roman consolidation; spread of olive cultivation 
and road network; Africans achieve influence in 

117 Lucius Quitus, a Berber, appointed to the senate 

and senior posts by Trajan. 

125 Birth of Apuleius of Madauros. 

170 Apuleius writes the Golden Ass; birth of Tertullian. 

193 Lacius Septimius Severus from Liptis Magna be- 

comes the first African emperor of Rome. 

312 Donatist schism begins. 

340 Rise of the Circumcelliones; increasing strength of 


174-150 B.C. 

150 B.C. 

148 B.C. 

146 b.c. 

116 B.C. 

112-104 b.c. 

82 b.c. 

46 b.c. 

33 b.c. 

25 b.c. 

a.d. 17-24 




second century 

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347 Donatists and Circumcelliones unite against Ro- 

man power. 

354 Birth of Saint Augustine. 

372-376 Revolt of Firmus in the Kabyle Mountains, with 

support from Donatists. 

395 Saint Augustine becomes bishop of Hippo. 

396 Revolt of Firmus 's brother Gildon, with Donatist 

429 Invasion of Africa by the Vandals. 

430 Saint Augustine dies during the siege of Hippo. 
533 The fall of the Vandals; reconquest of Africa for 

the Eastern Empire by Count Belisarius; restora- 
tion of Catholic supremacy. 

540 Yabdas's revolt in the Aures. 

570 Birth of Prophet Muhammad. 

596 Berber uprisings against the Byzantines. 

642 Arabs occupy Cyrenaica. 

643 Arabs occupy Tripoli, destroy Sabratha, and in- 
vade Fezzan and Barqa. 

647 Muslims defeat the Byzantine army at Sbeitla; oc- 

cupation of Tripolitania. 

669 v Uqba Ibn Naff seizes Tripolitania and Byzacena; 

foundation of the city of Qayrawan; Berber resist- 
ance by Kusayla. 

683 "Uqba's expedition to the Atlantic; he is defeated 

by Kusayla, a Berber leader; Arabs retreat tem- 
porarily from the Maghreb; death of "Uqba at 
Tehuda (around Biskra); Kusayla occupies 

688 Arab counteroffensive; Kusayla dies. 

695 Hassan Ibn Nu'man invades the Maghrib, captures 

Carthage, but Arabs armies are defeated by Al- 
Kahina, Berber queen of the Aures. 

701 Al-Kahina dies; end of Berber resistance; the 

Berbers convert to Islam. 

711 Tariq Ibn Ziyad leads the conquest of Spain. 

740 Emergence of Khariji beliefs and practices; devel- 

opment of the Ibadithe sect. 

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744 Barghwata establish a Berber state in Tamesna 

along the Atlantic coast of Morocco. 

748 Salih, prophet and founder of the Barghwata king- 

dom, reigns. 

758 Ibadithes occupy Qayrawan. 

760 Fall of the Ibadithe imamate in Tripoli. 

765 Ibn Rustum founds the city of Tahart, capital of the 

Rustumid dynasty. 

768 Ibadithe uprising in Africa; Ibadithe exodus to 


776 Tahart is capital of the Ibadithes; Ibn Rustum be- 

comes imam of the Ibadithes. 

786-789 Idris Ibn v Abd Allah founds the Idrissid dynasty. 

800 Aghlabid dynasty rules Tunisia. 

807 Idris II founds the city of Fes. 

827 Aghlabids conquer Sicily. 

842 Yunnus declares the Barghwata heresy. 

868 Aghlabids conquer Malta. 

878 Aghlabids occupy Syracuse. 

896 Aghlabids crush Berbers of Nafusa, a Rustumid 

stronghold in Libya. 

909 Collapse of the Aghlabid and Rustumid dynasties; 
Tahart Ibadithes find asylum in Sadrata; foundation 
of an Ibadithe imamate in Jabal Nafusa, Libya. 

910 Fatimids occupy North Africa; "Obeid Allah al 
Mahdi is recognized as caliph; he tries to convert 
Berbers to Shiite Islam; Berber uprisings against 
the Fatimids. 

927 Foundation of the city of M'sila. 

936 Foundation of the city of "Achir, capital of the 

Zirid dynasty. 
960 Bulluggin Ibn Ziri founds the cities of Algiers, 

Medea, and Miliana. 
972 Fatimids leave the Maghrib to Egypt; Zirids take 

over the Maghrib. 
979-989 Expansion of the Zirid dynasty; Bulluggin invades 

the Barghwata kingdom, Fes, and Sijilmassa. 
985 Collapse of the Idrissid dynasty. 

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990 The Empire of Ghana annexes the Saharan city of 


1014 Rise of the Hammadid dynasty. 

1050 Banu Hilal Arabs invade the Maghrib. 

1053-1069 Almoravids establish control over central Mo- 


1059 Almoravids destroy the Barghwata heresy. 

1062 Almoravids found their new capital of Marrakech. 

1068 Almoravids found Bijaya. 

1070 Almoravids establish control over Fes. 

1077-1078 Almoravids take over Tanger; fight the Empire of 

Ghana and control the trans-Saharan caravan 
trade; birth of Ibn Tumart, the Almohad Mahdi; 
Bijaya becomes the capital of the Hammadids dy- 

1094 Birth of " Abd Al Mu'min at Tajra (Nedroma). 

1 102 Almoravids complete conquest of Islamic Spain. 

1 106 Death of Yusuf Ibn Tachafin. 

1116 Ibn Tumart meets "Abd Al Mu'min in Mallala, Al- 

geria, and recruits the future founder of the Almo- 
hads dynasty. 

1121 Ibn Tumart is declared the Mahdi of the Almohads 

and fights the Almoravids. 

1 129 Almohads besiege Marrakech. 

1 130 Ibn Tumart dies, and leadership passes to "Abd Al 

1139-1146 Almohads conquer Fes and Marrakech. 

1162 Death of "Abd Al Mu'min; Abu Ya"qub Yusef be- 

comes emir. 

1172 Almohad Empire extends its control from the At- 

lantic to Tripolitania and from Spain to the western 

1229 Foundation of the Hafsids dynasty with Tunis as 

its capital. 

1235 Rise of the "Abd Al Wadids dynasty in Tlemcen, 

then in central North Africa. 

1248 Marinid dynasty establishes control in western 

Maghrib and takes over Fes and Marrakech. 

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Collapse of the Almohads dynasty. 

Marinids build Fes Al Jdid. 

Ibn Battuta, Berber explorer, visits the Empire of 


Marinids establish control over Tlemcen. 

Marinids divided into Fes and Marrakech king- 

Portuguese occupy Ceuta (1415), Tanger (1471), 

Massat (1488), Safi and Agadir (1508), Azemmour 

(1513), and Mazagan (1514). 
1492 Christians occupy Granada, and Muslims flee to 

North Africa. 
1494 Collapse of the Hafsid dynasty. 

1497 Spain occupies Melilla, Mers El Kebir, Oran, 

Penon d'Alger, Cherchell, Dellys, and Most- 

1510 Leo Africanus visits Bilad Al-Sudan, spends time 

in Timbuktu and Gao. 
1517 Ottomans occupy Tlemcen. 

15 17-1525 Sa'diyin establish themselves in the south and take 

over Marrakech, wage holy war against Christian 

Portugal and Spain. 
1554 Ottoman Empire captures Libya. 

1574 Ottomans take over Tunis. 

1576 Ottomans temporarily occupy Fes but are forced to 

1578-1591 Sa'diyin invasion of Timbuktu and the northern 

territories of the Songhay Empire. 
1580 Spain occupies Ceuta. 

1609 Waves of Andalusi people escape to North Africa. 

1630-1641 Dila Zawiya in the Middle Atlas reaches its height 

of influence and power; it is ruined by Moulay Al 

Rachidin 1668. 
1631 The rise of the "Alawite dynasty in Tafilalt, Mo- 

1659-1669 Moulay Rachid establishes the "Alawite dynasty. 

1667 Moulay Rachid destroys Illigh and its maraboutic 


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1672-1727 Sultan Moulay Isma'il builds over 76 qasbas 

(forts) in the Middle Atlas and staffs them with 
'Abid al Boukhaari (black soldiers) to secure com- 
munication routes and to watch over the dissident 
Berber tribes of the Middle Atlas. 

1674 Middle Atlas Sanhaja tribes overthrow the agents 

of Sultan Moulay Isma'il and refused submission 
of tax payments. 

1811-1822 Berber revolt during which Middle Atlas Sanhaja 

tribes rise against Sultan Moulay Sliman's 
(1792-1822) proscription of the cult of saints and 
endorsement of puritan Wahhabi doctrines. 

1814 Treaty of Paris establishes French sovereignty 

over Senegal and Mauritania. 

1830 France begins its colonization of Algeria. 

1835 Rise of the Sanusi movement in Libya. 

1842 Sanusi order founds its first zawiyas in Cyrenaica. 

1853 Heinrich B arth , German explorer, visits Timbuktu . 

1857 French conquest of the Kabyle. 

1858-1860 Kabyle uprisings. 

1859 Aures uprising. 

1860 Hodna uprising. 

1863-1904 French rule and conquest establish French Sudan. 

1871 Al Mokrani uprising. 

1876 APAmri revolt. 

1881 Establishment of a French protectorate in Tunisia. 

1881-1883 Bou'mama rebellion in southern Oran. 

1902 Sanusi revolt is crushed by the French. 

1912 Establishment of a French protectorate in Morocco; 

Spain controls most of northern and southern Mo- 
rocco; Libya becomes an Italian protectorate. 

1914 Moha Ou Hammou uprising against the French, 
winning the battle of Lehri in the Middle Atlas. 

1915 Battle of Qasr Bu Hadi; Idris becomes leader of 
the Sanusi order. 

1916 Tuareg rebels led by Kaocen occupy Agadez. 
1921-1926 v Abdelkarim al-Khattabi re volt in the Rif, northern 


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1922 Establishment of the Colonie du Niger; the Citroen 

trans-Saharan adventure arrives in Bourem, Mali. 

1926 Foundation of Etoile Nord Africaine (EN A). 

1930 Berber Dahir. 

1933 Ait Atta resist the French in the Sahara and the 

Anti-Atlas; battle of Bougafer. 

1937 Foundation of the Parti du Peuple Algerien (PPA). 

1940 Emergence of Algerian nationalism; foundation of 

the Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire (IFAN) in 
Dakar, Senegal. 

1945 Massacres of Algerians following nationalist up- 

risings at Kherrata, Setif, Guelma, and Saida. 

1949 Berberist crisis; Kabyle leaders call for a secular 

and multicultural Algerian society (an Algerie Al- 
gerienne); opposition to an Arab-Islamic basis for 

1951 Libyan independence, 24 December. 

1954 Beginning of the Algerian war for national libera- 

tion; formation of the Front de Liberation Na- 
tionale (FLN) in a breakaway from the PPA. 

1956 Moroccan independence, 2 March; Tunisian inde- 

pendence, 20 March; first congress of the FLN in 
the Soummam Valley, Kabylia, 20 August. 

1956-1957 " Addi Ou Bihi revolt in Tafilalt. 

1958-1959 Rif uprising is repressed. 

1959 Foundation of the Movement Populaire (MP) by 
Mahjoubi Ahardan. 

1960 Nigerian independence, 3 August. Malian inde- 
pendence, 22 September. Mauritanian indepen- 
dence, 28 November. 

1962 Algerian independence, 5 July. 

1962-1963 Tuareg of Idrar Niforas in northeastern Mali rebel 

against the government of Mali. 

1963 Foundation of the Front des Forces Socialistes 
party (FFS) by Hocine Ait Ahmed. 

1967 Foundation of Association Marocaine de la 

Recherche et de l'Echange Culturel (AMREC) in 
Rabat; foundation of Paris-based Academie 

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Berbere d'Echange et de Recherches Culturels; in 
1969 renamed Agraw Imazighen. 
1969 Mifammar Gadhafi deposes the Sanusi monarchy. 

1972 Second coup attempt on the king of Morocco, Has- 
san II; Mohamed Oufqir, a Berber general, is im- 

1972-1974 The Sahel suffers one of the worst droughts in 

memory, devastating nomadic livelihood systems. 

1973 Kabyle activists form Groupe d'Etudes Berberes 
at the University of Paris VHI-Vincennes. 

1978 Establishment of Ateliers Imedyazen, an outreach 

and publication cooperative in Paris to debate and 
disseminate Berber issues; foundation of Tamaynut 

1980 Algerian government cancels Mouloud Mam- 

meri's lecture at the University of Tizi-Ouzou; 
Kabyle protests; repression of protestors by secu- 
rity forces; Berber Spring (Tafsut); foundation of 
the Mouvement Culturel Berbere (MCB). 

1980-1990 Proliferation of Berber cultural associations. 

1984-1985 Drought destroys about 70 percent of Tuareg live- 


1989 Foundation of the Rassemblement pour la Culture 
et la Democratie (RCD) by Said Sadi; Libya de- 
ports Malian Tuareg; Union du Maghrib Arabe 
(UMA) entered into by Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, 
Morocco, and Tunisia. 

1990 Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) sweeps municipal 
and regional elections; erosion and humiliation of 
the FLN; Tuareg attack Tchin Tabaraden; start of Tu- 
areg Rebellion in Niger; armed Tuareg rebels attack 
government in Mali and Niger; Front pour la Liber- 
ation de l'Azaoud (FLA) seeks to establish a new 
state in northern Mali; interior ministers of Algeria, 
Mali, and Niger meet in Tamanrasset to discuss 
armed Tuareg uprisings; presidents of Libya, Alge- 
ria, Mali, and Niger hold a summit to discuss Tuareg 
issues; Tuareg aim to set up a free Tuareg state. 

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1991 Tuareg destroy a border checkpoint, erasing bor- 
der markings between Niger and Mali; Tuareg 
massacres; Tuareg attack In Gall; Agadir Charter 
calls for the recognition of the Amazigh language 
and culture in Morocco; two Tuareg rebel groups 
and the government of Mali sign a truce in Taman- 
rasset; concessions included the establishment of a 
Tuareg autonomous region and the withdrawal of 
the Malian army from Timbuktu and Gao; the Front 
Populaire de Liberation de l'Azaouad (FLA) contin- 
ues its attacks; Malian army retaliation increases. 

1992 Tuareg rebel leaders and the government of Mali 
sign a truce; Mali and Algeria to repatriate Malian 
Tuareg and refugees. 

1992-1993 Niger admits the existence of a Tuareg rebellion 

and calls for peace talks; continued Tuareg attacks 
and raids; truce between the Front de Liberation 
de l'Ai'r et de l'Azawad (FLAA) and the govern- 
ment of Niger. 

1993 Tuareg refugees begin to return to Mali from Al- 

1994 Massacre of Tuareg civilians by Malian armed 
forces; Tuareg assaults on Gao; Berber associa- 
tions create an umbrella organization for the 
Amazigh cultural movement, Conseil National de 
Coordination (CNC); Tuareg rebel leaders and the 
government of Niger hold peace talks in Paris; Tu- 
areg assault on government forces; members of the 
Goulmima-based organization, Tilleli, are arrested 
for showing banners written in Berber script (Tifi- 
nagh) during Labor Day march; King Hassan II 
calls for teaching "Berber dialects"; Moroccan tel- 
evision begins broadcasting a daily four-minute 
news bulletin in Tamazight, Tashalhiyt, and Tarifit. 

1994-1995 School boycott in Kabylia. 

1995 Algerian government creates the Haut Commis- 
sariat a l'Amazighite (HCA) to oversee the inser- 

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tion of Tamazight in the education system and me- 
dia; it fails to achieve its mission; peace agreement 
signed between the government of Niger and Tu- 
areg groups ending the Tuareg revolt; skirmishes 
continue; Malian Tuareg call on the international 
community to help solve Mali's northern prob- 
lems; continuous cycles of retaliatory killings of 
Tuareg civilians and Tuareg assaults; Algeria relo- 
cates Malian refuges to new camps. 

1996 Moroccan law restricts the use of names for Mo- 
roccan children to approved Arabic-Muslim names 
and indirectly outlaws the use of Amazigh names 
not on the approved list. 

1997 First World Amazigh Congress held in the Canary 
Islands (Tafira in Berber). 

1998 Assassination of Matoub Lounes, Kabyle singer 
and activist; riots sweep Kabylia. 

2000 Publication of the Amazigh Manifesto; it calls for 
an inclusive approach in the reorganization and re- 
structuring of Moroccan history and culture; ques- 
tions the traditional Arab-Islamic basis of Moroc- 
can society and history. 

2001 King Mohamed VI announces the foundation of 
the Institut Royal pour la Culture Amazigh (IR- 
CAM); Black Spring in Kabylia; the massacre of 
Massinissa; protests throughout Kabylia; govern- 
ment forces kill scores of protestors; Kabyle tribal 
heads, or "arches, meet in the village of El-Kseur 
and draft the El-Kseur Platform, which calls for 
economic demands and official recognition of 
Berber language and culture. 

2002 Algerian government recognizes the Berber lan- 
guage, Tamazight, as national (not official) lan- 
guage in constitutional revision. 

25 January 2002 Moroccan authorities prevent the Association for 
the Defense of the Victims of the Spanish War 
from holding a conference in Al Hoceima in northern 

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je xxvi i i 


Morocco on the Spanish use of German- 
manufactured toxic gas to put down the Berber re- 
bellion from 1921 to 1926. 

Institue Royal pour la Culture Amazigh (IRCAM) 
publishes its first teaching manual of Tamazight 
for primary school levels, titled Tifawtin a 
tamazight (Good Morning, Tamazight). 
Algerian government agrees in principle to imple- 
ment the El-Kseur Platform, but details remain un- 

Seven members of IRCAM resign in protest of the 
total failure of the National Education and Com- 
munications ministries to implement the directives 
of IRCAM. 

Activists and members of the Berber movement 
petition the government to establish the Parti De- 
mocratique Amazigh (PDA) in Morocco. 
The political parties of MP, the Mouvement Na- 
tional Populaire (MNP), and l'Union Democra- 
tique (UD) fuse into al-Haraka al-Sha v biyyah al- 
Muwahhada or Mouvement Populaire Unifie. 
13 September 2005 Gaddafi Charity Foundation calls on the govern- 
ment of Libya to lift a 1970s ban on the registra- 
tion of Amazigh names. 


17 January 2005 
21 February 2005 

10 June 2005 
15 August 2005 

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Although the Berbers form sizable populations in North Africa and the 
Sahel, they have been reduced to a minority within their respective 
home states. Berbers are the ancient inhabitants of North Africa, but 
rarely have they formed an actual kingdom or separate nation-state. 
They have, however, formed dispersed communities that came under a 
series of foreign invaders: the Punic settlers, the Romans, the Byzan- 
tines, the Vandals, the Arabs, the Ottomans, the French, the Spanish, 
and the Italian colonial powers were integrated into North African soci- 
eties and in large part dominated it. The Berbers influenced the culture 
and religion of Roman North Africa and played key roles in the spread 
of Islam and its culture in North Africa, Spain, and sub-Saharan Africa. 
In their encounter with the Arabs, the Ottomans, and the European colo- 
nial powers, they often faced adversity and still do so because of post- 
colonial government policies aimed at stamping out Berber identity, 
language, and culture. 

Today, celebrating Berber contributions before and after the Arab 
conquest is still not entirely politically correct in North Africa. There 
are many reasons for this sentiment. First, there is the Islamist plan to 
maintain the professed unity of Islam through its sacred language, Ara- 
bic. Second, the French use of the Berbers to support their racist poli- 
cies was rejected by the nationalist and Islamist movements. Third, 
most of the political parties on the left and the right have always been 
hostile to the emphasizing of ethnic and linguistic diversity. Conse- 
quently, the renaissance of Berber culture and history are stifled by the 
leftovers of the French colonial Berber question, the postindependence 
ideologies of Arabism, and the current Islamist discourses on the lin- 
guistic and cultural merits of Berberness. Taken together, these dynam- 
ics have over time converged to redefine the field of Berber identity and 

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its sociopolitical representations and symbols, making it an even more 
important issue in the new century. 

The name "Berber" is of external origin and is not a Berber word. In 
their language, Tamazight, Berbers use the name "Imazighen" to de- 
scribe themselves (singular masculine is Amazigh; singular feminine is 
Tamazight). The word "Berber" is derived from the Greek word 
barabaroi, Latinized barbari, which denoted people who spoke neither 
Latin nor Greek or to refer to non-Phoenicians within the Carthaginian 
state. Ancient Greek writers also used "Libyan" as another name to re- 
fer to the inhabitants of North Africa while also speaking of other 
Berbers as the Numidians, "the Nomads," a name that reflected that 
most of them practiced pastoral nomadism. With the arrival of the Arab 
Muslims in the seventh century, the word barbari took an Arabized 
form, al barabiroi barabira. Today, the Berbers use the collective des- 
ignation "Imazighen" (singular is Amazigh, i.e., free men and women), 
and "Imazighen" is the word that embodies the Amazigh sense of being 
the real and essentially human beings of their homeland, called 
Tamazgha. Tamazgha is the land where Imazighen have lived since time 
immemorial and captures the state of being free from domination of 
others. "Tamazgha" and "Amazigh" are words by which indigenous 
peoples of North Africa contrast themselves to outsiders and foreigners 
during the cycles of violence and conquests that Imazighen suffered at 
the hands of numerous invaders from the Phoenicians through the Ot- 
tomans and Arabs to the French and Spanish, and their usage over time 
has intensified Berber feelings about freedom and nobility and other es- 
sential human qualities of themselves. In the words of anthropologist 
Edward H. Spicer (1980), they are an enduring people , and their endur- 
ing qualities depend on continuous possession of a homeland sustained 
by such constructs as ethnicity, language, and culture. 

The etymology and meaning of the word "Amazigh" varies from re- 
gion to region. Among the Berber-speaking communities, there is a 
general phonetic shift between h (Ahaggar), z (Algeria and Morocco), 
ch (Adrar and sub-Saharan areas), and/' (Air), so that it is linguisti- 
cally valid to see the terms "Imuhag" (Ahaggar), "Amazigh" (Algeria 
and Morocco), "Amajeg" (Air), and "Amacheg" (Adrar and sub- 
Saharan areas) as deriving from the Berber root MZG. The name 
"Imuhag" is used in Ahaggar to designate all those Tuareg who speak 
Tamahak. In Adrar and in and around the Niger Bend, the word "Ama- 

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heg" is used to refer to the noble Tuareg. In Air, the word "Amajeg" 
is equivalent to its broader meaning of "Imuhag" and designates any 
Tuareg or a noble Tuareg. 

The origin of the Imazighen as well as their racial classification and 
language relationship with any other Mediterranean or African race, 
present or ancient, has long been a subject of intense debate among 
scholars. Just as the definition of race remains at best a contentious cul- 
tural construct, the notion that Berbers must represent descendants of 
some purely homogeneous cultural group originating in a particular 
area or site is still a matter of conjecture. Throughout time and even 
over the past two millennia, North Africa has absorbed a large number 
of successive migration flows. There is no hard evidence to indicate that 
things were different in the so-called obscure centuries of North African 
historiography and archaeology. The earliest type of Homo sapiens in 
North Africa is known as "Mekta Afalou," which is equivalent to Cro- 
Magnons in Europe. The Mekta Afalou type, associated with Capsian 
culture of around 7000 B.C., was earlier believed to have split off from 
the Cro-Magnons, moving from Asia into North Africa as Cro-Magnons 
moved into Europe. This claim, however, has been challenged, and an 
indigenous development from the Neanderthals has been suggested. 
Gabriel Camps (1974), for instance, has described the physical evidence 
as well as material culture found in the Capsian sites as "proto- 
Mediterranean." He also asserts, despite the scanty evidence of the ar- 
chaeological record, that Berbers migrated from the eastern Mediter- 
ranean during the Bronze Age, bringing with them the chamber tombs, 
dolmens, and pottery styles borrowed from Sicily. 

Today, many scholars believe that the peopling of North Africa was 
infused with migrations from the east and south and across the straits 
from western Europe. Additionally, the linguistic evidence is thin. 
Berber has been, for the most part of its history, a spoken rather than a 
written language, although there is archaeological evidence of rock art 
and inscriptions in deciphered Berber script, the Tifinagh still used by 
the Tuareg in the central Sahara. Thousands of undeciphered Libyan in- 
scriptions have been published claiming that the earliest Libyco-Berber 
inscriptions date back to the third millennium B.C. Berber has affinities 
to Semitic languages such as Arabic and Hebrew, but the connection to 
ancient Middle Eastern languages such as Ancient Egyptian or Akka- 
dian writing systems remains to be fully investigated. The one statement 

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that can be made with some confidence is that the Berber languages are 
all extraordinarily similar, which implies that their spread through the 
North African and Saharan landscape was relatively identical over time. 
One study by David Hart (1975) on the glottochronology of three main 
dialects of the Berber language in Morocco, Tamazight (Tashalhiyt, 
Tamazight, and Dhamazight), provides a rough date for the separation 
of these three dialects. He suggests that Dhamazight of the Rif sepa- 
rated from Tamazight about 1 ,000 years ago, while Tamazight diverged 
from Tashalhiyt about 2,000 years ago. His analysis also suggests 2,900 
years of divergence between Tamazight and Tashalhiyt. If Hart's claims 
are true, one may suppose that linguistic differences between the Tu- 
areg, Aures, Kabylia, Jabal Nafusa, and Rif are much greater. 

Although there is a strong oral tradition, the lack of a universal al- 
phabet and a common literature has made it difficult to substantiate lin- 
guistic evidence. The first known Berber writers belong to the Roman 
and Byzantine cultural times and wrote in Latin or Greek. Today, much 
of the intellectual production of Berbers is in Arabic, French, and Span- 
ish. The scarce literature in Berber language is of recent date: short re- 
ligious works in Arabic script and a few books of didactic character. 
Richer is the flow of oral literature, transmitted mainly by women, and 
of popular poetry, some of which has been collected and documented by 
a number of writers and anthropologists. 

Over the centuries, there have been ethnocultural symbioses with the 
conquerors (Phoenician, Roman, Vandal, Byzantine, Ottoman, Arab, 
French, and Spanish). King Massinissa of the Massyles established the 
first Berber state, Numidia. After his death, Numidia became a Roman 
client state. After Jugurtha's failure to gain Massyli's independence, 
Numidia became a Roman protectorate and was absorbed into the em- 
pire's provincial systems. During Roman times, the Berbers were 
pushed into the hinterlands. Consequently, they mounted numerous re- 
bellions such as that of Tacfarinas (a.d. 17-29). The appearance and 
spread of Christianity produced dissention given the rise of Donatism. 
One Berber who distinguished himself during this religious dispute was 
the bishop of Hippo fAnnaba), Augustine. At the same time, insurrec- 
tions led by Firmus (372-375) and Gildon (398) contributed to the 
weakening of the Romans, which hastened their fall to the Vandals. The 
Vandals were not as successful as the Romans in controlling Berber 
country. However, the Vandals recognized the fighting abilities of the 

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je xxxi i i 


Berbers and recruited them. The Byzantines also admired the military 
qualities of the Berbers, but, similar to the Vandals, they found it very 
hard to extend their control over the entire Berber country. 

Considered to be the historian of the Berbers, Ibn Khaldun, in his His- 
tory of the Berbers (translated into French by W. Mac. Guckin De Slane, 
Histoire des Berberes, Alger, 1852-1856), illustrates a very comprehen- 
sive knowledge of Berber history and appears sympathetic to their aspi- 
rations. He divided Berbers into two great branches, al-Baranis (seden- 
tary, from the plural of "Bernous," or "cloak") and Madghis al-Abtar or 
al-Botr ("nomadic"). Al-Botr moved from the steppes and the highlands 
between the Nile and southern Tunisia into the Jabal Nafusa in Libya and 
into Algeria, where they settled in the areas of Tahart and Tlemcen, while 
others continued into Morocco, spread along the Mulwiyya and Sabu 
rivers and on the fringe of the Sahara. Some of the Baranis moved from 
the Aures and Kabylia regions into the area of Oran and further on to 
central Morocco and parts of the Rif. Furthermore, Ibn Khaldun distin- 
guished three major groups among the Berbers — Masmuda, Sanhaja, 
and Zanata— and ascribed to each a separate genealogy leading to a 
common ancestor. Although this dichotomy of Berber history— al-Baranis 
and al-Botr— is linked to his rural-urban dichotomy, it is less valuable 
and has probably caused much confusion in Berber scholarship. His sim- 
plified classification based in part on classic ideas appears to be mis- 
guided in stating that Berbers were relatively new settlers from the 
east— specifically the folktale of Goliath's migration to the Maghrib af- 
ter his defeat. From a modern anthropological perspective, not only is 
this folk history discredited, but so also is the notion that ethnic groups 
in a region such as the Maghrib can be neatly classified as either seden- 
tary or nomadic. Human adaptation in the Maghrib is far too complex 
and messy for such a simple and static dichotomy to explain. 

The attitude of the Berbers toward the Arab advance in the seventh 
century was expressed in two major ways. Berber warriors fought on 
the side of the Arabs on their march through North Africa against the 
Byzantine forces. Tarif and his 400 men, the first to cross the straits into 
Spain, were Berbers, as were Tariq Ibn Ziyad and his force of 12,000 
who overran the Visigoth capital Toledo. The main body of the army 
that conquered the Iberian Peninsula and pushed deep into France con- 
sisted of Berber contingents. At the time, the Arabs were soon con- 
fronted with insurrections instigated by misuse of power, high taxation, 

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and injustice. This resistance was illustrated in the revolts of al-Kahina 
and of Kusayla Ibn Lemten. More dangerous was the insurrection of a 
large tribal confederation under Maysara al-Matghari, which in the last 
days of the Umayyad led to the defection of the whole Berber country. 

Inseparably connected with the political quality of this resistance is 
its religious dimension in the form of popular adoption of the Kharejite 
doctrine and practices. This heresy, viewed as revolutionary by ortho- 
dox Sunni Islam on which the caliphate sustained its political leader- 
ship, was in decline in the east, while its variants, such as the Ibad- 
hiyyah and the Sufriyya, found fertile soil in Berber political and 
economic grievances in North Africa. The growing number of Berber 
proselytes came from among the early converts to Islam, from pagan 
tribes and the Christian sedentary communities. A number of heterodox 
Berber theocracies were established in the eighth century by the Rustu- 
mid in Tahart, by the Banu Midrar in Sijilmassa extending eastward into 
Jabal Nafusa in Tripolitania, by Abu Qurra in Agadir (near present-day 
Tlemcen), and by the Barghwata confederation on the Atlantic coast. In 
the 11th and 12th centuries, the Almoravid dynasty's brand of rigorous 
orthodox Sunni Islam had forever replaced Kharijite doctrine and prac- 
tices in Morocco and Algeria, except for scattered communities in 
North Africa. Berber Ibadithe groups have survived to the present day 
in Tripolitania in the Jabal Nafusa, in Tunisia on the island of Jerba and 
in the oases of Jarid, and in southern Algeria in the Oued Mzab, where 
they make up the Mozabite communities. 

Longer than the temporal authority of the Arab caliphate and its ver- 
sion of Islam, the Berbers remained, for the most part, noncompliant to 
the process of Arabization. Following the establishment of al-Qayrawan 
as the seat of the caliph's provincial administrator in the seventh cen- 
tury, the rise of the Idrissids in the ninth century, coupled with the com- 
mercial and social relations with al-Andalus, Arabic spread slowly but 
continuously throughout the 9th and 10th centuries into most parts of 
North Africa. It acquired a place of prominence as the exclusive means 
of learning in major urban and religious centers, some of which devel- 
oped into major centers of Islamic studies in North Africa (Fes, al- 
Qayrawan, and Tlemcen). From the 10th to the 13th century, Berbers 
developed dynamic dynasties in North Africa and al-Andalus, such as 
the Zirids (972-1152), Hammadids (1007-1152), Banu Zizi 
(1018-1090), Aftasids or Banu al-Aftas (1022-1095), Dhu al-Nun or 

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Banu Dhu al-Nun (1033-1095), and Banu Ghaaniya (1146-1237). The 
most famous North African dynasties were the Almoravids (1043- 
1147) and the Almohads (1147-1269), who distinguished themselves 
by their military power, territorial and political expansion, and cultural 
achievements. They united the Berbers of North Africa, if only for a 
short time. After the decline of the Almohads, other Berber dynasties es- 
tablished themselves in the 13th and 14th centuries, such as the Hafsids 
(1234-1569) in Tunisia and East Algeria, v Abd al-Wadids or Banu Za- 
yyan (1235-1509) in Tlemcen, and Marinids (1269-1465) and Wat- 
tasids or Banu Wattas (1465-1549) in Morocco. 

Although with minor variations, within the widespread Berber soci- 
ety, Berbers have crafted age-old social and economic institutions. They 
have developed a sophisticated body of customary law that has survived 
the Islamic period because Islam has usually accommodated the prac- 
tice of customary law, or azerf, within its system of jurisprudence, as 
long as azerf 'does not deliberately violate the most fundamental princi- 
ples and articles of faith of Islamic law, or sharPa. Customary law, 
known also by its Arabic name "urf, is not uniform among Berber 
groups, with the socially stratified Tuareg and the democratically ori- 
ented Berbers in North Africa exemplifying two major types of Berber 
political organization. The jama^a, or the appointed village/tribal coun- 
cil that functions at various levels of Berber organization, has defined 
much of Berber political management. Although the institution of 
jama^a tends to result in oligarchic decisions made by men, it has reg- 
ulated a wide range of legal matters, including land tenure, tribal al- 
liance formation, and social and life ceremonies. In the 19th and 20th 
centuries, for political reasons French colonial administrations in Alge- 
ria and Morocco accorded official recognition to Berber customary law 
and its dispensation in tribal and rural courts. In Morocco, nationwide 
opposition led to the revocation of the Berber Dahir as far as penal ju- 
risdiction was concerned. Since the achievement of independence, the 
legal process embedded in the Arabization policy has, for the most part, 
eliminated <27<?//"practices and passed it into sharPa structures. 

Although Imazighen are unjustly considered a minority in North 
Africa, the area that Berber speakers inhabit is vast and testifies to the 
sheer size and broad spread of the Amazigh population. While official 
census data on the demographic characteristics and dynamics of 
Imazighen are sorely lacking, Amazigh scholars and activists claim that 

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perhaps 80 to 90 percent of the North African population remains eth- 
nically Amazigh, although a large segment of this percentage has been 
significantly Arabized and has thereby lost its original Amazigh identity 
markers. Tamazgha, or the original homeland of the Berbers, stretches 
east to west from Siwa in the Western Desert of Egypt to the Canary Is- 
lands and north to south from the Mediterranean shores to Mauritania 
and the southern limits of the Niger and Senegal rivers. Small commu- 
nities are located in Siwa, in the Western Desert of Egypt, and in the 
Fezzan region of Libya. A series of Berber-speaking villages extend 
from Jabal Nafusa in Libya through southeastern Tunisia to the island 
of Jerba, where many Berbers practice the Ibadithe sect. In Tunisia, 
Berber speakers constitute less than 1 percent of the population, while 
they make up 4 percent of the population of Libya. Larger communities 
are found from northern Tunisia to Morocco, especially in Kabylia, 
Dahra, Aures, and Shawiya. South of the mountains lie the oases of the 
Mozabites, Ibadithe Berbers who live in five villages along the Oued 
Mzab. Further to the south of the Mozabites, the Tuareg occupy a vast 
area of the Sahara, from the Ahaggar to Tassili to northern Niger, Mali, 
and Burkina Faso. The number of Tuareg varies from sources to source, 
and the estimates vary between 2 and 3 million. In Algeria, Berber 
speakers constitute about 20 percent of the Algerian population. In Mo- 
rocco, Berber speakers make up about 45 to 50 percent of the popula- 
tion (Mohamed Chafiq estimates the number of Berber speakers in Mo- 
rocco to be about 80 percent). They are found in the Rif, Middle, and 
High Atlas Mountains; in the Sous and Anti- Atlas; and on the fringes of 
the Sahara. In all, despite the fact that the exact numbers of Berber 
speakers in Tamazgha and in the diaspora are hard to come by because 
of the sensitive political nature of census taking, official as well as 
nonofficial estimates point to a range of between 15 and 50 million 
Berber speakers. 

The last half of the 20th century, despite playing leading roles in the 
fight against colonialism and nation building of their respective nation- 
states, has not been kind to the aspirations of the Berbers in North 
Africa. Ever since independence, government policies have marginal- 
ized Berber regions, stifled and belittled Berber language and culture, 
and displaced and destabilized entire populations, as in the case of the 
Tuareg refugees. Berber political activism, whether it took the form of 
the Berberist crisis in Algeria or the Rif revolts or other Berber rebel- 

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je xxxvi i 


lions in Morocco, led to repression and oppression of all things Berber. 
Since the uprising in Tizi Ouzou in the spring of 1980, also known as 
the Berber Spring, Berbers have organized and demonstrated for cul- 
tural, linguistic, and economic rights — and self-determination or re- 
gional autonomy in the case of the Tuareg. Berbers believe that they 
have been shortchanged by state policies of education, culture, and eco- 
nomic modernization. Government responses, in most cases, have been 
brutal and repressive and usually took the form of police crackdowns 
and military assaults. To complicate matters even more, the rise of po- 
litical Islam and its relentless pursuit of a strict orthodox Sunni Islam in 
the 1980s further aggravated the situation and demands of the Berbers. 
Arab and Amazigh Islamists , despite North Africa's history of religious 
syncretism and hybridity, tend to view Berber grievances with contempt 
and see in the secularist Berber demands of cultural pluralism, democ- 
ratization, and human rights a threat to the Islamic way of life and its 
vehicle the Arabic language, however that is defined. 

Today, the Amazigh question remains a sensitive cultural and politi- 
cal issue in North Africa because it is explicitly connected to a range of 
contested ideas about language, place, and religion— or politics of iden- 
tity boundaries. In the first years of the 21st century, to circumvent 
Amazigh cultural and linguistic rights and identity claims, North 
African governments have made hesitant efforts to at least start the dis- 
cussion of the remote possibility of considering Tamazight an official 
and equal language to its sister, Arabic, in their constitutions. While 
Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg, is a national language in Niger 
and Mali, the politicking of the Amazigh question is an ongoing, fren- 
zied contest between Arabists , Islamicists , and secularists in Algeria and 
Morocco. However, short of a constitutional recognition of Tamazight 
and a clear mandate backed by a solid budget and effective directives for 
the teaching of Tamazight in public schools, allocation of media time 
for Tamazight and other Tamazight dialects, and recognition of the 
Amazigh role in the formation processes of North African states, the 
ceremonial acts invested in the establishment of task forces, commis- 
sions, and institutes for the inclusion of Tamazight and all things 
Amazigh into the North African identity matrix will remain for some 
time to come unfinished business or, in North American parlance, 
"business as usual." 

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06- 279 A- F. qxd 6/22/06 12:33 PM Page 


The Dictionary 


ABBANE , RAM DANE (1920- 1957). Abbane was one of the founders 
of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) and one of the historic 
leaders of the Algerian Revolution. Abbane was born in the village of 
Azouza, in the region of Larba Nat Iraten in Greater Kabylia. Despite 
his modest socioeconomic background, he earned a baccalaureate in 
mathematics. Afterward, he served as a clerk in the colonial adminis- 
tration (in the city hall of the mixed commune of Chelghoum el- Aid, 
former Chateaudun-du-Rhumel) and as a noncommissioned officer in 
the French army during World War II. In 1943, he joined the pro- 
independence party, Parti du Peuple Algerien (PPA), and in 1947, he 
became a party leader of the Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Lib- 
ertes Democratiques (MTLD) in the Setif region. In 1950, Abbane 
was arrested in the wake of the French crackdown of the paramilitary 
organization Organisation speciale (OS). He was sentenced to six 
years in jail, with internment in the Haut-Rhin in France. On his re- 
lease in 1955, he joined the FLN and was successful in recruiting 
members of the Union Democratique du Manifeste Algerien 
(UDMA) , the Parti Communiste Algerien (PCA) , and the Association 
des Ulemas Musulmans Algeriens (AUMA) to join the liberation 
movement platform. 

Abbane is best remembered for his active role in shaping the 
Soummam Valley Congress on 20 August 1956 in Kabylia. Under his 
skillful and fiery leadership, the congress adopted a political platform 
as well as a military reorganization framework of the Armee de 
Liberation Nationale (ALN) that members of the external delegation 
of the FLN (Ahmed Ben Bella and Mohamed Boudiaf) rejected. Al- 
though the Soummam framework favored collective political leadership, 

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Abbane was, undeniably, the unofficial leader. His role in the Soum- 
mam Valley Congress as well as his stand on the principles that the 
external delegation should be subordinate to the internal affairs and 
leadership of the revolution and that the civilian and political wing of 
the FLN should control the military made him undesirable in several 
nationalist circles. In 1957, he was lured by his detractors to Mo- 
rocco, where he was strangled to death by the external delegation 
leaders of the FLN. His murder eliminated a passionate and tireless 
Kabyle, who had the potential to provide a social and economic 
roadmap for the revolution. His death also opened the door to the mil- 
itary to take control of Algeria's politics and fate. His death, however, 
was reported a year later in the M OUJdhid, the FLN's official news- 
paper, in May 1958. Recent revisionist and official history of the Al- 
gerian revolution and its politics has reevaluated Abbane 's contribu- 
tions to the struggle against the French and has rehabilitated his place 
and legacy as a bona fide Algerian nationalist or chef historique. See 


ABDALLAH IBNYASIN. Theologian of the Malikite school of law, 
professing puritan convictions, descended from the Jazula, one of the 
Sanhaj a tribes nomadizing in the Sahara. Invited by the Guddala and 
Lamtuna tribes, he went preaching among them and led a rigorous 
campaign against practices that he considered contrary to the shari a 
and proceeded to build an Islamic community (1042-1059). Soon, 
however, Guddala opposition to his strict religious norms caused Ibn 
Yasin and his followers to withdraw to an island along the Senegal 
River. There he created a militant reforming movement, a ribdt, sus- 
tained by the holy war for the defense of the spread of the faith. 
Within a short period of time, this small community of M urdbitin was 
joined by other adepts and led by Ibn Yasin, who founded the history- 
making Almoravid Empire. 

ABD AL-MU'MIN. His full name is Ibn v Ali Ibn ^Alawi Ibn Ya^laa 
al-Kumi, and he was the first ruler of the Almohad Empire 
(1133-1161), which he built up from the politicoreligious community 
founded in the Atlas Mountains by his teacher, the religious reformer 

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'ABD AL-WADIDS (1236-1550) • 3 

I bn Tumart. " Abd al-Mu'min was born in a village in the vicinity of 
Tlemcen (western Algeria), the country of the Kumya member tribe 
of the Berber Zanata confederation. While still a youth, he left his 
home to study in the Arab East (al-Mashriq) at the renowned seats of 
religious learning, and he joined Ibn Tumart when he heard him 
preaching around Bougie. He remained his master's most devoted 
disciple who shared in all his wanderings westward and together with 
him rallied under the Almohad flag of the M asm ll da tribes of the At- 
las, calling them to the holy war against the Almoravid Empire. He 
was closest to Ibn Tumart, and it was he whom the Mahdi Ibn Tumart 
shortly before his death instituted as his successor (1130). 

Having brought under his sway, in a struggle of about 20 years, the 
whole of Morocco and western Algeria, Abd al-Mu'min carried the 
holy war into Spain and eastern Algeria and Tunisia, where the Zirid 
and Hammadid emirs at al Mahdiya and Bougie defended their 
shrinking realms with little hope for survival against the pressure of 
Arab Bedouin tribes and the Normans of Sicily. As Amir al-Mu'minin 
(Commander of the Faithful), the secular and spiritual head of the 
state, he elaborated for the requirements of an empire the system of 
public administration, devised by Ibn Tumart and founded on a com- 
bination of tribal institutions, a sort of religious hierarchy and mili- 
tary structure, with governors of the provinces and larger towns se- 
lected from among his own or Abu Hasf 'Umar's clans. Everywhere 
a network of missionaries spread and kept alive the tenets of the Al- 
mohad faith and the principles of the theocratic movement that rested 
on it. He left one of the most powerful, large, and solidly institution- 
alized empires in the history of the Maghrib. He died in 1161 and was 
buried in Jbal Tinmal beside the tomb of Ibn Tumart. 

ABD AL-WADIDS (1236-1550). They are also known as Banu Za- 
yyan and Banu 'Abd Al-Wad or the Zayyanids, a Berber dynasty in 
Tlemcen with a territory covering approximately western Algeria 
and at the peak of its greatest expansion reaching as far as Algiers. 
The Al-Wadids were a clan of the Banu Wasin, a branch of the 
Zanata confederation, and related, but in hereditary hostility to, the 
Moroccan dynasty of the M arinids. In the years of its decline, their 
leader Abu Yahya Yaghmurasan Ibn Zayyan was governor of the 
town of Tagrart, a foundation of the Almoravid ruler Yusuf Ibn 

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Tashafin with which the neighboring town of A gad ir was to grow 
into the city of Tlemcen. Respected for his just and wise leadership 
and political insight, Yaghmurasan spoke in his Zanata dialect and set 
up a solid government structure. 

ABDOUL AY E, MOHAMED. A prominent Nigerien civil servant, for- 
mer minister of state enterprises, and Tuareg leader. From 1992 to 
1993, he served as interim secretary in charge of administrative re- 
forms. He is claimed to have been an active supporter of the Tuareg 
rebellion in northern Niger. 

ADDI OU BIHI (1898-1961). His full name is "AddiOu BihiZadgui, 
and the word "Zadgui" is an Arabic corruption of the Berber name 
"Izday," the name of his tribal affiliation. He is also known simply as 
" Addi Ou Bihi n'Ai't Rho. He was a caid of the Ait Izday tribe of the 
Ait Yaflman confederation in south-central Morocco. In 1956, he was 
the first governor of Tafilalet Province. In 1957, the rise of the Is- 
tiqlal Party and its increasing paternalistic influence in micromanag- 
ing local politics of newly independent Morocco irritated the sensi- 
bilities and vision of Caid v Addi Ou Bihi for his province. During the 
same year, while King Mohammed V was on a Mediterranean cruise, 
"Addi Ou Bihi shut down all Istiqlal Party offices and imprisoned 
their cadres. His insurrection was quickly suppressed by force led by 
King Hassan II (1961-1999), then Crown Prince Moulay Hassan. 
"Addi Ou Bihi, who claimed in his defense that he was only protect- 
ing the interests of the king from the political maneuvering of the Is- 
tiqlal Party, was sentenced to death for treason. He was incarcerated 
for almost four years. He is said to have been executed in January 
1961, and he was buried in Karrandou, his native village, which is 
about 15 kilometers south of Rich. "Addi Ou Bihi's revolt embodied 
Berber discontent with the perceived domination by the Arabist Is- 
tiqlal Party of the country's nascent bureaucratic system. See dlso 

ADER. An arid land and windswept region of the Tessaoua Departe- 
ment and home of Ader's mixed population. Its large Azna (mostly 
Hausa) population is greatly intermixed with Tuareg and other eth- 
nic groups. Currently, Ader's population is around 560,000, of whom 

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55,000 are Tuareg, 400,000 Hausa, and the remainder Fulani and 
other pastoralist groups. The hostile environment of Ader is charac- 
terized by dry-season sandstorms and the harmattan winds. 

AFTASIDS (1022-1095). They are an Arabized Hispano-Berber dy- 
nasty belonging to the M aknassa clans settled in the area north of 
Cordoba. They are also known as Banu Aftas and sometimes referred 
to as Banu Maslama. At one time, with their seat at Badajoz, they 
ruled almost the entire western area of the Iberian Peninsula, stretch- 
ing from the valley of the Guadiana into present-day Portugal, in- 
cluding Lisbon. The founder of the dynasty, v Abd Allah Ibn Muham- 
mad Ibn Maslama, surnamed al- Aftas, had held a high-ranking 
position at the court of the Umayyad caliph al-Hakam II and as- 
cended the throne after the death of his sovereign. After several at- 
tempts to stop the advance of the Abbasid rulers of Seville and the 
kings of Castile and Leon, the Aftasid capital, Badajoz, was con- 
quered by an Almoravid army (1095), and two of the last Aftasid 
heirs fell into the hands of the enemy and lost their lives. A third heir 
and some of his followers found refuge with King Alfonso and were 
converted to Catholicism. 

AGADEZ (CITY). The mud-walled city of Agadez lies in the far up- 
per reach of the Republic of Niger, below the foothills of the Air 
Massif and west of the Tenere Sand Sea. It is the capital of Air, a his- 
torically major Tuareg town, and also the name of Niger's northern 
departement. Established in 1430, the town's name is derived from 
the Berber term "Tadakest," meaning "visitor's meeting place." 
Given its remote location in the Sahara Desert, the town developed 
as a major caravan trade entrepot and slave market in the 16th cen- 
tury. For more than 500 years, Agadez has been a crossroads for 
Berbers and sub-Saharan Africans, Arab traders, and European ex- 
plorers, a place of Ghanaian gold and Makkan pilgrims, Barbary 
horses, and Ottoman brocades. The town is famous for its 16th- 
century mosque and its 26.82-meter spiked minaret. With the discov- 
ery of uranium in the region, the town's population rose to about 
30,000. During the Sahel droughts of the 1970s, the arrival of no- 
madic refugees caused a dramatic population increase to about 
105,000. See also agadez (Departement). 

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AGADEZ (DEPARTEMENT). The departement of Agadez covers an 
area of 700,000 square kilometers and has a population of about 
70,000. The population consists of Tuareg, Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, 
Arab, and Toubou. The departement is composed of the arrondisse- 
ments of Agadez, Arlit, and Bilma and the postes administratifs of 
Iferaoun and In Gall Today, what brings outsiders to Agadez are the 
goods and services of a new millennium— high-grade uranium and 
high-end tourism. The French-owned mine at Arlit, 250 kilometers 
to the north along the "Uranium Highway" that connects the Air to 
Niamey, Niger's capital, fuels France's nuclear power plants. On a 
parallel course are pont d'Afrique charter flights — nonstop air-bridge 
flights from Paris— bringing tourists in search of the Sahara's most 
beautiful dunes and exotic, nomadic ways of life. 

AGADEZ, SULATANATE OF. The origin of the sultanate is found in 
the Chronicles of Agadez and the oral histories of certain Tuareg 
tribes: the Kel Owey, Kel Ferwan, and Itesen. The sultanate is still a 
living institution, a body of men and women whose functions in the 
city and surrounding region are both very much of the moment and 
deeply embedded in the past. According to these sources, the sul- 
tanate developed as a major caravan trade entrepot at the fringe of the 
Sahara Desert, a crossroad on the routes to the Hausa in the south, 
Tibesti and Bornu in the east, and Gao in the west. According to oral 
traditions, the Tuareg tribes had been embroiled in internecine strife 
for so long that they finally sent an emissary to the Ottoman court (to 
Fezzan, north of Air, present-day Libya) seeking the appointment of 
a king. The sultan could not provide a legitimate son ready to act as 
king in Air and sent Younous, his son by a slave-concubine, who ar- 
rived in Air with a large entourage, hence the origin of the low status 
of the sultans of Agadez. 

In 1424, Younous was removed from power by his son Ag Hassan, 
who himself was deposed by his brother Alissoua in 1430. Alissoua 
was the one who selected Agadez (actually Tagadest or Eguedech) as 
the capital of the sultanate. In the beginning, the sultanate was largely 
nomadic but finally settled first at Tadeliza, then Tin Chaman, and fi- 
nally Agadez. The sultan had no real authority except moral power 
over those clans that accept his authority. Most power is in the hands 
of the anastafidet (the leader of the Kel Owey) and the second most 

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AGADIR (plural ICUDAR) • 7 

important political person in Air after the sultan. Despite the sultan's 
authority, his direct rule was limited to the black population, with the 
bulk of the religious I neslemen clans not paying tribute. 

As a major trade hub, the northward routes linked Agadez to 
Tamanrasset, Touat, Tassili, and Fezzan; the southward routes led to 
Hausa land, Benin, and Bornu; the westward routes led to In Gall and 
on to Timbuktu; and the eastward routes led to Bilma, Tibesti, and 
Kufra. A percentage of all commodities passing through Air went to 
the sultan as well as a portion of the azalay trade, a fact that made 
most sultans very wealthy. In 1740, however, the town was sacked by 
the Kel Owey, contributing to its decline. Also around this time, As- 
SOde disappeared. With the emergence of the salt trade, Agadez re- 
gained some of its former importance but never became again the 
powerful state it had once been. In 1850, Heinrich Barfh reported that 
the town was in an advanced state of ruin. 

During the French conquest of Air, the French removed the ruling 
sultan of Agadez, Othman Ben Abdel Qadr, and replaced him in 1907 
with Ibrahim ed-Dasouqy, who was himself sacked by the French and 
exiled to Konni. The next sultan, Tagama, ruled until 1916, when he 
joined rebellious forces against French colonial rule. After breaking 
the siege of Agadez, the French massacred and executed hundreds of 
religious and civil leaders. Tagama was murdered, and Ibrahim ed- 
Dasouqy was reappointed sultan. On his death, Umar became sultan 
and ruled until the 1960s. By custom, the sultan, descending from the 
lineage of Younous, is appointed by the five major tribes of the area 
under the chairmanship of the Itesen. 

Today, Ibrahim Oumarou is the 126th sultan of the Air, and his 40- 
year reign has been exceeded in length only by that of his father. 
Among the sultan's duties are dealing with drought, tribal rebellion, 
uranium prices, and mining issues. Other matters brought before his 
court touch on marriages, inheritances, intertribal complaints, and tax 
grievances. The sultan hears disputations with the qadi (judge) and 
imam (prayer leader) and the massou OUIl-goriwa, the chiefs of 
Agadez 's 16 government districts. Decisions are final. 

AGADIR (plural IGUDAR). The term denotes a fortified granary for 
common use by a number of families with a separate storage for each 
one of them. This ancient institution served not only for the safe storage 

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of food but also as a stronghold in the intermittent intertribal warfare. 
The families constituting such dgddir communities are connected by 
blood ties through a common ancestor or through neighborhood rela- 
tion with the village. Its old usage as fortification is still anchored in 
the names of various localities in the Sous, the Rif, and the Atlas in 
which the term dgddir occurs accompanied by a topographical fea- 
ture as inAgadir Nuflla. Agadiris also the name of the city of Agadir 
in the Sous region. In western Algeria, the ancient town of Agadir, to- 
day in ruins, gave way to present-day Tlemcen. See also CHAOUIA. 

AGADIR (CITY). Agadir is a major seaport on the Atlantic Coast, and 
it is the capital of the Sous-Massa-Draa administrative region. It has 
a population of 610,600. Agadir is located on a bay eight kilometers 
north of the Sous River and 29 kilometers southeast of Cap Ghir. The 
Portuguese built a fort in the area in 1505 , perhaps in connection with 
fishing activities, that was then purchased by the king of Portugal on 
25 January 1513. The Sous area had already had a port for some time. 
Arab geographers of the 9th, 11th, and 12th centuries mention the 
Massa port between Tiznit and Agadir. The SaMiyin conquered the 
Agadir fort in 1541, and Agadir, within 30 years, became an impor- 
tant Moroccan port until, with the construction of Mogador (Es- 
saouira) in 1765, it was closed to trade. It remained closed until 1930. 
In 1911, the naval destroyer Pdnther arrived in Agadir to make a 
case to Morocco for German claims, based on commercial ties, and 
pressure the French into making territorial concessions elsewhere. 
The German posturing led to the Franco-German Treaty of 4 No- 
vember 1911, in which France provided concessions in Congo to 
Germany in return for abandonment of claims in Morocco. On 29 
February 1960, a powerful earthquake devastated much of Agadir 
and killed about 15,000 people, but it has since been rebuilt into one 
of Morocco's major urban centers and seaside resorts. 

AGADIR C H ARTE R . This text is concerned with Berber cultural and 
linguistic rights and identity claims in Morocco, and it was signed on 
5 August 1991 by a collective of Amazigh cultural associations in 
Agadir. This collective consisted of the Rabat Moroccan Research 
and Cultural Exchange Association, the Agadir Summer University 

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AGDAL (plural ICULDAN) • 9 

Association, the Goulmima Ghris Cultural Association, the Rabat 
New Association for Cultural and Popular Arts, the Nador Ilmas Cul- 
tural Association, and the Casablanca Soussi Cultural Association. 
The Agadir Charter outlined Berber demands and the establishment 
of the Institute of Tamazight Studies and Research. The goals of this 
institute include the promotion of Berber language and history, elab- 
oration of a unified writing system of Tamazight, insertion of 
Tamazight in the educational system, and establishment of a depart- 
ment of Tamazight language and culture in every Moroccan univer- 
sity. The text also called for a revisionist reading and analysis of Mo- 
roccan history. Consequently, the charter led to the spread of Berber 
cultural associations throughout Morocco. See dlso SOUS. 

AG AH MAD0U,M OH AM E D. Chef de cabinet and adviser to former 
president Seyni Kountche of Niger. A major Tuareg political figure, 
Ag Ahmadou was linked to the attempted coup d'etat of March 1976. 
In 1982, he defected to Libya to launch a pan-Tuareg movement in 
the Sahel on behalf of President Mu'ammar al-Gadhafi. He has also 
been associated with the 1990 Tuareg attacks on Tchin Tabaraden, 
which ushered in the Tuareg rebellion in Niger. 

AG BOULA, GHISSA. Tuareg leader of the Front de Liberation de 
I'Air et de I'Azawad (FLAA), one of many armed groups against 
rule by Niamey in Niger in the early 1990s. He was also vice presi- 
dent of the Coordination de la Resistance A rmee. In September 
1992, he was captured in southern Algeria and was later released. 

AGDAL (plural IGULDAN). This word denotes pasture in private and 
communal property of an individual owner or community of users 
and serving only herds. In its classic form, an dgddl is a communal 
pasture whose opening and closing dates are fixed by the community 
of users. An dgddl is a collective property used by tribal and inter- 
tribal groups, and customary laws limit its boundaries and fix its clos- 
ing and opening dates. Agddl systems exist at different levels of the 
social organization of the commons. Some are used by sedentary res- 
idents of a single village, while others are under the right of use of 
different transhumant clans and tribes. In the eastern High Atlas 

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Mountains and the Saharan lowlands, for instance, the term dgddl 
traditionally refers to collective pasture governed and managed by a 
local assembly of elderly men representing the tribes of the confed- 
eration who fix the opening and closing of pasture. This same as- 
sembly designates an dftighdr n-ugddl or n'tugd (grass administrator) 
to enforce the dates of closings and openings and to report violations 
of the customary rules of the agfda/'s administration. See dlso 

AGRICULTURE. Although Berbers have been historically associated 
with practices of pastoral nomadism, agriculture has been significant 
to some groups, especially those that inhabit mountainous areas, plains, 
and oases. The quality of water and soils is poor throughout most of the 
region, and there are additional impediments, such as sandstorms and 
locusts. Despite all these constraints, farmers have been able to eke out 
a living in these marginal lands. Traditionally, farmers tend fig, olive, 
and apple and date palm trees. They also cultivate a wide variety of 
crops, such as barley, wheat, corn, fava beans, and an assortment of veg- 
etables and other fruit. However, the bulk of cereals and other fruit is 
imported to satisfy the requirements of population growth. 

AHARDAN,MAHJOUBI (1922- ). He was one of the founders of the 
M OUVement Populaire (M P) in 1956-1957 and was its first secre- 
tary-general (1962-1963). Ahardan is member of the Ait k Ammar of 
Oulmes and a graduate of the College Berbere in Azrou, a Franco- 
Berber school, as well as of the Military Academy of Meknes. He 
served in the French armed forces during World War II and as caid of 
his native area, Oulmes, from 1949 to 1953. As caid during the time 
of the exile of King Mohammad V, he rejected the Glaoui petition to 
depose the king. As a result, he was dismissed by the French and be- 
came a commander of one of the units of the Moroccan Liberation 
Army. As for his political career, Ahardan served as governor of Ra- 
bat Province (1956-1958), as minister of defense (1961-1964 and 
1966-1967), as minister of agriculture and agrarian reforms 
(1964-1966), and as minister of post and telecommunications 
(1977). Over the past two decades, however, Ahardan's historical po- 
sition and status within the MP has been challenged by a new breed 
of young Berber politicians bent on breathing new life into Berber is- 

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AIR • 1 1 

sues and organizing. In 1986, Ahardan was removed from the posi- 
tion of leadership in the MP and then formed a new party, the M OU- 
vement Populaire National. 

AIR. Mountainous massif in northern Niger in the Agadez departe- 
ment. In the Hausa language, it goes by the name of Abzin. It is a Pre- 
cambrian granite massif with past volcanic activity. It runs 400 kilo- 
meters from north to south and 100 to 200 kilometers from east to 
west and contains fertile valleys and hidden oases. Its area covers 
61,000 square kilometers between the desert plains of Azawak and 
Tenere. Humans have occupied the area since prehistoric times, when 
its climate was more hospitable and humid. It is presently populated 
by nomadic and agropastoralist Tuareg, Hausa, and other ethnic 
groups. The area has salt pans of considerable importance in In Gall 
and Teguidda-n'Tesemet, cassiterite at El Mecki, uranium in several 
places (including Arlit), coal in the south, and other minerals in what 
is Niger's mining area and its hard-currency provider. It came under 
French control in 1904 and was a center of Tuareg political activism 
and revolts during World War I. 

Starting in the 1 1th century, Tuareg groups have poured into the 
Air area. Among the first to arrive were the Issandalan and the Kel 
Gress, later the Kel Owey. Today, the area is home to the Kel Fer- 
ouane, Kel Fadey, and the Ouilliminden. The Issandalan, who arrived 
to Air in the 12th century and among whom the Itesen were the most 
important group, founded Assode as their capital, the latter consid- 
ered to be the oldest city in Air. It was also the Issandalan who were 
behind the rise of the sultanate of Agadez prior to their conflicts 
with the Kel Owey and Kel Gress. With the fall of Assode, political 
and economic power associated with the trans-Saharan caravan trade 
shifted to Tadeliza, then Tin Chaman, and finally Agadez. 

Given the dislocation effects of the 1970s Sahel droughts, most of 
the Tuareg population is composed of the Kel Owey, the Kel Tamat, 
and the Kel Ikazkazan. These groups are under the jurisdiction of the 
anastafidet, the leader of the Kel Owey. The other groups in the area 
include the Kel Ferouan in the vicinity of Agadez and west of the 
massif toward Damergou. Most Tuareg pastoralists, who became 
refugees in the 1970s, are not subject to the rule of the anastafidet, 
nor do they fall under the authority of the Kel Amenukal. 

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12 • Ai'T 

AIT. A Berber term meaning the "people of," equivalent to the Tuareg 
Kel or the Arabic bdnu, and used only in combination with proper 
nouns as the indication of the name of a tribe, such as Ait Atta. 

AIT AHMED, HOC I NE (1926- ). He is a Kabyle and one of the his- 
toric leaders of the Algerian Revolution. He comes from a prosper- 
ous Kabyle family, and his father served as a caid during the French 
colonial era. Ait Ahmed is also called the "eternal rebel" for his role 
in fighting French colonialism and for being a fierce opponent of suc- 
cessive governments in Algeria. He joined the Parti du Peuple Al- 
gerien (PPA) when he was still in high school and later became a 
member of the Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Liberies Democra- 
tiques (MTLD). In 1947, he was instrumental in the creation and or- 
ganization of the secret paramilitary organization, Organisation spe- 
ciale (OS). In 1950, he was removed by Ahmed Ben Bella from the 
leadership of the OS, as he was viewed to be too much of a Berberist. 
In 195 1 , he left Algeria after French courts had condemned him in ab- 
sentia for various crimes against the state. He took refuge in Cairo, 
and, as a representative first of the MTLD and then as an external 
member of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN), he traveled ex- 
tensively promoting the Algerian cause. In 1955, he attended the 
Bandung Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement in Indonesia. In 
1956, the Soummam Valley Congress elected him to the Conseil Na- 
tional de la Revolution Algerienne (CNRA). On 22 October 1956, he 
was captured by the French authorities in the skyjacking of members 
of the external delegation, and he spent the rest of the war in prison. 
After independence, Ait Ahmed opposed the Ben Bella government, 
which seized power in Algiers. He also withdrew his membership from 
the Political Bureau of the FLN but was elected a deputy in the first 
National Assembly of independent Algeria. Critical of the Ben Bella 
government policies, he founded the first opposition party in 1963, the 
Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), and instigated an insurgency in 
October and November 1963 from bases in Kabylia, a year after inde- 
pendence in 1962. He was arrested in 1964 and condemned to death 
but escaped from jail that year to live in exile in France and Switzer- 
land until 1989, when his party was legally registered. In 1984, after 
his reconciliation with Ben Bella, they jointly called for elections for 
constitutional reforms and for political rights in Algeria. 

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After the October riots of 1988, he returned from exile on 15 De- 
cember 1989, and the FFS was also legalized as an opposition party. 
He boycotted the elections of June 1990, and he and the Kabyles 
were angered by the December 1990 Arabization Law promoting the 
use of Arabic at the expense Berber, or Tamazight. As a political 
party, the FFS supported the democratic process in spite of its reser- 
vations about the possibility of Islamist government. Despite the ero- 
sion of civil and political rights in Algeria, the FFS has kept its legal 
status, and it is still in opposition and continues to promote Kabyle 

Ait Ahmed is a serious scholar. He received a doctoral degree in 
Nancy, France, in 1975, and his dissertation investigated human 
rights in the charter and practice of the Organization of African 
Union (OAU). He authored La guerre et I'apres-guerre (1964) and 
M emoires d'un combattant (1983). See also ARABIZATION. 

AKASA. A Tamasheq term for the June/July-September rainy season 
and cool weather. For farmers this marks the start of the planting sea- 
son, while for the nomads it signals the beginning of transhumant mi- 
gration to the northern salt pans. It is also known as cure salee. 

A L K A SSO U M , A L BAY H A K I . Tuareg of the Kel Aghlal and Islamic 
scholar. A former director of the madrasa in Say and head of the first 
Arab-French high school in Niger. He has been secretary-general of 
the Association Islamique du Niger since its establishment in 1974. 
He also held the directorship of Arabic education in the Ministry of 

ALMOHADS. Spanish form of the Arabic word al-M uwahhidun (Uni- 
tarians). It refers to a Berber dynasty (1113-1269) that crushed the 
Almoravid dynasty and for more than a century controlled an empire 
consisting of the entire Maghrib (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and 
Libya) and al-Andalus (Islamic Spain). The state was built on the re- 
ligious teachings of the reformer Ibn Tumart and was solidly en- 
trenched among his fellow tribesmen, the M a sin u da of the H igh At- 
las M Olintains. Its rise occurred in the mountain town of Tinmal. Ibn 
Tumart's teachings stressed the unity of God (tawhid), command- 
ments of strict austerity in private and public life, absolute obedience 

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14 • ALMORAVIDS (1061-1147) 

to the infallible God-guided leader (the M ahdi), and the propagation 
of the creed. Under Ya'qub al-Mansur (1184-1199), the empire 
reached its highest peak of development. The al-Mansur court also 
featured the presence of Ibn Rushd (Avirroes), the Andalusian 
philosopher and commentator. In 1236, the empire collapsed as the 
Hafsids carved out Ifriqya and the Abd al-Wadids took control of 
Tlemcen. In 1248, the Marinids established themselves in Fes, and 
the Nasrid princes took over Granada. By virtue of its religious ide- 
ology, military power and political organization, and economic and 
cultural development, the state still fires the imagination of contem- 
porary attempts at North African unity. See also ABD AL-MU'MIN. 

ALMORAVIDS (1061-1147). The name "Almoravids," with which 
the movement is known in Western scholarship, is a Spanish corrup- 
tion of the Arabic "Al-Murabitun" and designates a Sanhaja Berber 
dynasty, which ruled over Morocco, western Algeria, and al-Andalus. 
The Almoravids were brought to power by the theologian "Abd Al- 
lah Ibn Yasin and his reformist holy warriors (al-murabitun). They 
conquered the Soninke Kingdom of Ghana and laid siege to Sijil- 
massa in 1055-1056. Fes was taken in 1069, and Algiers was 
brought under their control in 1082 after taking Tlemcen and Oran. 
The Almoravids also controlled parts of Spain after a solid victory 
against Alphonso VI in 1086. A relative of the first disciples, Yusuf 
Ibn Tashfin (1061-1107), who built Marrakech in 1060, became the 
first founder of the dynasty, which, despite its short life, left tremen- 
dous political and cultural impacts on the historical map of North 
Africa, Spain, and the Sahara Desert. 

The Almoravids reached their zenith under Ibn Tashfin 's rule. As a 
result of the establishment of the Almoravids in Spain, North Africa 
received a cultural infusion from Andalusia. The Malikite school of 
law also entrenched itself in North Africa. Opposition to Islamic 
practices that were limited to the literal and anthropomorphic con- 
ception of the word of the Qur'an fell into rigidity, and this state of 
affairs triggered religious and political opposition. In Andalusia it led 
to a new disintegration into numerous city-states, and in the Atlas 
Mountains it led to a revolt of the M asm ll da tribes, inspired by the 
teachings of the religious reformer, the M ahdi I bn Tumart. In addi- 
tion to constant Christian assaults, the Almoravids would finally sue- 

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cumb to the overwhelming campaigns of the warrior-monks, the Al- 
mohads. as Marrakech was taken in 1147. 

AMAZIGH FLAG. The Amazigh flag is a transnational symbol of 
Amazigh land or Tamazgha. It was created at the first meeting of the 
Amazigh World Congress of 1997 in Tarifa, Canary Islands. The 
flag has three horizontal stripes of blue, yellow, and green, with the 
Tifinagh letter "Z" in black in the middle of it. There are several in- 
terpretations of the flag. The top blue stripe stands for the Mediter- 
ranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, the middle yellow stripe for the 
color of ancient Numidia and the Sahara Desert, and the bottom 
green stripe for the greenery of the valleys, the plains, and the moun- 
tains. The Tifinagh letter "Z" is from the root of the word "Amazigh," 
which means to be in a state of freedom, nobility, and independence. 
With the creation of an Amazigh flag and the promotion of Berber - 
ness at home and abroad, Berbers have been able to construct an 
Amazigh homeland, or at least an imaginary geography in which the 
notion and layer of Tamazgha defines its boundaries as extending 
from Siwa in western Egypt to the Canary Islands and from the 
Mediterranean shores to the sub-Saharan frontier. 

AMAZIGH MANIFESTO. Following the 1990s Berber protests and 
demands for recognition of the Amazigh/Berber language on 1 March 
2001, the Amazigh Manifesto was adopted. The manifesto was writ- 
ten by intellectuals and activists under the leadership and guidance of 
Mohamed Chafik. About 229 intellectuals, professors, artists, ac- 
tivists, and bureaucrats signed the text. Similar to the Agadir Char- 
ter, it questioned the Arab-Islamic foundations and nationalist ac- 
counts of Moroccan official history. The text demands an inclusive 
approach and attitude to North African culture and history. One of its 
demands reads as follows: "Among the strangest things, in Morocco, 
is that the Amazighe language is not officially considered a language. 
One of the most embittering things for an Amazighe (Berber), in the 
'independence era,' is to hear . . . 'the official or national language is 
Arabic ... by virtue of the text of the Constitution!" The manifesto is 
believed to have led to the creation of the Institut Royal pour la Cul- 
ture Amazigh (IRCAM) and the monarchy's choice of Tifinagh as the 
official script for Tamazight. See also LANGUAGES. 

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16 • AMGHAR 


AMIROUCHE AIT HAMMOUDA (1926-1959). He was a Kabyle 

and one of the early historic leaders of the Algerian resistance to 
French colonialism. He was born in the village of Tassaft Ouguem- 
moun in Greater Kabylia. Before the liberation struggle, he was in- 
fluenced by the Association of Reformist "Ulama (learned doctors of 
Islamic law) and the Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Liberies De- 
mocratiques (MTLD). In 1948, he joined the Organisation speciale 
(OS), and he was arrested in 1950 during the French repression of the 
early forms of Algerian resistance. In 1952, he was released and re- 
located to France, where he mobilized the Algerian immigrant com- 
munities against French colonial practices. 

It was during the war of independence that young Amirouche 
gained his famous reputation. Ait Hammouda, whose nom de guerre 
was "Amirouche," founded his own guerrilla group in eastern 
Kabylia. He became the leader of Wilaya III with about 800 fighters, 
and it was Amirouche who provided security for the Soummam Val- 
ley Congress in August 1956. Eventually, he was captured and killed 
by the French during a fierce firefight in March 1959. As a result of 
Amirouche's exploits and legend, he became a symbol of the Alger- 
ian struggle of independence. He is celebrated in songs and revolu- 
tionary chants in the Kabyle collective memory. 

AMROUCHE JEAN EL MOUHOUB (1906-1962). He was born in 
the village of Ighil Ali in Lesser Kabylia. He was a francophone poet, 
writer, and journalist. His works represent sophisticated and nuanced 
analyses of the plight and place of the peoples of Algeria under 
France's colonial and assimilationist policies. His parents were 
Kabyles who converted to Christianity. Throughout his life, he tried 
to describe Algeria and its struggles to the rest of the world. Am- 
rouche lived and taught in Tunis. He was a friend of Charles de 
Gaulle and acted as intermediary between the general and Farhat Ab- 
bas, the president of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique 
Algerienne (GPRA) . Although he was not a member of the Front de 
Liberation Nationale (FLN), he was critical of French colonialism 
and defended the independence of Algeria. 

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ANDALUS, AL- • 17 

Among Amrouche's most significant works were Cendres in 1934 
and Etoile secrete in 1937. In 1939, he published a translation of 
Kabyle songs titled Chants berberes de Kabylie. In 1942, he pub- 
lished an article, "Notes sur la grace de ravissement en poesie," and 
another one in 1943 titled "Pour une poesie africaine, preface a des 
chants imaginaires." In 1946, he published a brilliant essay that he ti- 
tled "Eternel Jugurtha, propositions sur le genie africain," which 
may well be one of the best attempts to explain the Algerian predica- 
ment. He had a lasting influence on the so-called generation of 1954, 
Algerian writers who wrote about the war of independence and de- 
colonization. He was also a friend of Albert Camus, Andre Gide, and 
Jean Giono. Amrouche died in Paris in 1962, a few months before Al- 
geria achieved its independence. 

ANA STA F I D E T. Leader of the Kel Owey Tuareg . He once lived in As- 
SOde but since the 1920s relocated to Agadez. Considered to be the 
most powerful political figure in Air, he was only second in status to 
the sultan of Agadez. Of noble origins, he is elected for a three-year 
term and could be annually recalled by the Kel Tafidet and Kel 
Azanieres. The junior clan of the Kel Ikzkazan has almost no voice 
in his selection. The anastafideVs symbol of office is the confedera- 
tion's drum, or ettebel. 

ANDALUS, A L-. The Arabic terms "al-andalus" or "bilad al-andalus" 
is a geographical notion that refers to those parts of the Iberian Penin- 
sula that at any given time came under Muslim rule. At the time of the 
Arab expansions in the seventh century, the country was a Visigoth 
kingdom, a minority group of German conquerors. At this time, the 
Arab troops under Musa Ibn Nusayr marched over North Africa to the 
Atlantic coast and found themselves facing the narrow straits that sep- 
arated them from Andalusia. A reconnaissance raid of a few hundred 
men in July 710 by Tarif, one of Musa's subordinates, met with no re- 
sistance and was soon followed by a stronger expedition under Tariq 
Ibn Ziyad in 711 , a Berber, whose memory survives in the names of 
Strait of Gibraltar and Gibraltar (Jbal Tariq), the mountain of Tariq. 
With 5,000 men, Tariq beat the Visigoths and ushered in Muslim con- 
trol of Andalusia for a period that lasted eight centuries. 

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ARABIZATION. The Arabization policy was the objective of post- 
colonial governments in North Africa or the so-called Arab Maghrib, 
and it remains a contested issue down to the present day. The long 
historical process that has made Arabic the dominant and official lan- 
guage in the North African countries, with various dialects, consists 
of four stages: the period of the first Arab conquerors in the seventh 
century; the Bedouin invasion of the Banu Hilal, Sulaym, and Ma'qil 
in the 11th century; the influx of refugees from al-Andalus from the 
14th to the 17th century; and postcolonial and pan-Arab nationalist 
policies of Arabization. 

Prior to independence, the French colonial authorities viewed Ara- 
bic as a language foreign to the region. In the midst of the blowing 
winds of pan-Arabism and on independence, however, Arabic was 
viewed as the tool by which postcolonial North African societies 
could break the colonial hangover as well as reclaim an authentic 
identity and culture. To achieve these goals, governments enacted 
laws to anchor the Arabic language in the educational and socializa- 
tion landscapes and state official activities. They also constitutionally 
elevated Arabic to the status of being the official and exclusive lan- 
guage of North Africa, much to the detriment of the Berber language, 
Tamazight. Consequently, while very little room is left for bilin- 
gualism or foreign languages, education, media, place-names, and 
peoples' names became Arabized. 

The Arabization policy has been very controversial. The notion of 
Arabization embodied in the politics of language excluded the 
Berbers, leading to sporadic unrest and even violent and bloody 
protest in the 1980s, especially in Algeria. In Morocco, the pan- 
Arabist and nationalist al-Istiqlal and Union Socialiste des Forces 
Populaires (USFP) political parties, despite their progressive dis- 
course on diversity, have systematically blocked any effort to recog- 
nize Berber as the other official language of Morocco. The rise of Is- 
lamist and Arabist politics adds an explosive dimension to the current 
debate and controversy over language rehabilitation and reform since 
Arabic is the sacred language of Islam's holy book, the Qur'an. 

ARIWAN. A small nomadic-pastoralist camp composed of about five 
or six tents. The term is usually applied to the individual nomadic 

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"ASSOU OU BASLAM (1890-1960) • 19 

camp or tent. Tents camping together form an ariwan, and they are 
usually related through agnatic ties. 

WAD (ARL A). One of many Tuareg armed movements in Azawak 
struggling for liberation against the armed forces of Niger. At the be- 
ginning, it was part of the Movement Populaire pour la Liberation de 
l'Azawad (MPLA) but withdrew in June 1993, together with three 
other movements, after the MPLA signed peace agreements in Mali. 
In 1992, it joined forces with two other resistance formations to 
found the Movement et Fronts Unifies de l'Azaouad (MFUA). In 
1993, it joined the umbrella organization of the C oordi nation de la 
Resistance A rmee (CRA). See also TUAREG REBELLION. 

NIGER (ARLN). One of many Tuareg armed movements in north- 
ern Niger struggling for liberation against the armed forces of Niger. 
It is guided by Mohamed Abdoulmoumine. Its arena of activism and 
operations was, however, constricted by a second group, the Front 
Patriotique de Liberation du Sahara (FPLS). In 1993, it joined the 
umbrella organization of the C coordination de la Resistance A rmee 

ASSO DE . Ancient city and former capital of Air. Built in a.d. 880 by 
the leader of the Issandalan Tuareg clan, located in the vicinity of 
Agadez, its ruins testify to its glorious age as a major political and 
economic hub in the Sahara Desert. Its decline was caused by in- 
ternecine power struggles between the Kel Gress and Kel Owey and 
the rise of the sultanate of Agadez by 1405. The subsequent reloca- 
tion of the powerful anastafidet structure to Agadez in 1917 signified 
the death of Assode. 

ASSOU OU BASLAM (1890-1960). His full name was Aissa Ou 
"Ali n'Ai't Baslam. He was born in the village of Taghya at the foot 
of the Saghro Mountain massif, the heartland of the Ait Atta confed- 
eration. His father was the community leader of the Ilamshan clan, 
the amghar n'tmazirt. In 1919, "Assou became a clan leader, and he 

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is believed to have shown from an early age a hostile attitude toward 
French colonial schemes and their collaborators' designs on Ait Atta 
land, especially the Glawi family. In the early 1920s, he was one of 
the first Ait Atta members who resisted the French presence in south- 
ern Morocco. He turned his fort in Taghya nllamshan into a site of 
resistance. In 1932, he was elected the amghar nuflla, or the top 
chief. In the Saghro Mountains, "Assou and like-minded men ha- 
rassed the Glawi collaborators. In 1933, Glawi and his collaborators 
called on the French to put an end to the Ait Atta resistance. 

On 21 February 1933, the French armed forces attacked the Jbel 
Saghro in what is called the Jbel Bou Gafr Battle and in which Ait 
Atta's short-lived mountainous guerilla tactics outshone the French 
military power. The initial French setback was quickly reversed by 
the devastating French bombardment of villages, tents, and herds. 
Fighting intensified, turning the waters of the Aqqa Noulili Creek 
bloody red, testifying to the resolution of men, women, and children 
to defend their dignity and the honor of the tribe and the herd. The 
savage battle of Bou Gafr left 2,000 casualties and a drastically re- 
duced herd size from 25,000 to 2,500 head (Hure 1952, 118). On 25 
March 1933, "Assou and his fighters came down from the mountains 
and surrendered. Despite the defeat, he put down his arms with con- 
ditions that the Glawi authority would not be imposed on the Saghro 
area, and he obtained the assurance from the French authorities that 
the customary law, or azerf, of the Ait Atta would be applied in his 
land. These conditions were accepted by the French. In 1933, he was 
made caid of Ikniwn Bureau by the French, a post he held until his 
death in 1960. He was one of a tiny handful of tribal caids who sur- 
vived the transfer of power in 1956. See also HIGH ATLAS MOUN- 

mous Christian saint and was the bishop of Hippo Regius or modern 
Annaba in eastern Algeria. Saint Augustine was born in Tagaste 
(modern Souk-Ahras) in eastern Nllinidia and educated in Madauros 
and Carthage. He went to Rome in 383, and in 387 he was baptized 
by Bishop Saint Ambrose of Milan. After his stay in Rome, he re- 
turned to Tagaste, where he founded a monastery. There he remained 

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'AYYASHI, AL-, 'ABD ALLAH IBN MUHAMMAD (1628-1679) • 21 

until 391, when he became a priest of Hippo. Eventually, he suc- 
ceeded Valerius as bishop of Hippo until his death during the siege of 
the city by the Vandals. He spent much of his time as bishop recon- 
ciling the Donatist split from the Christian church. In contrast to the 
Donatist position, Augustine believed in cooperation with Rome. He 
championed Catholicism against Manichaeanism and Pelagianism. 
His most famous works are the Confessions and The City of God. 
Confessions is a narrative of his life and spiritual development. The 
City of God provides a philosophy of history. He claims that history 
is paradoxical but providential, leading to the Second Coming of 
Christ, or the Parousia. He also promoted education, leading to the rise 
of the Augustinian order of priests. He is venerated in the Catholic 
Church as a saint, as is his mother, Sainte Monica (322-387), the pa- 
troness of wives and mothers. refers to the great massif of southeastern Al- 
geria and the Saharan Atlas, with its highest peak being the year- 
round snow-covered Jabal Chelia (Shalya), reaching a height of 
2,326 meters. Geographically the most important features of the Au- 
res are Oued Al Abiod (inhabited by the tribe of Ouled Daoud) and 
Oued v Abdi (inhabited by the tribe of Ouled v Abdi) engulfed between 
Jabal Mahmal in the west and Ahmar Khaddou in the east. The Au- 
res is home to the C haouia Berbers. The Chaouia are sedentary and 
combine agriculture with pastoral nomadism. Because of its iso- 
lated and rugged terrain, the Aures sustained resistance against the 
Romans, the Turks, the Arabs, and the French and during the war of 
independence (1954-1962). See also NUMIDIA. 


His full name is Sidi Abdellah Ibn Mohammed Al-'Ayyashi, known 
also as Abu Salem A1-' Ayyashi. He was a Moroccan author, born of 
a family of the Ait v Ayyash tribe living in the H igh Atlas M OUIltains 
region. He was a devoted member of the Dila religious order. Al- 
" Ayyashi studied religious sciences in Fes, especially the Sufi or mys- 
tical aspects, and then traveled about in the Arab East with long stays 
in Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and Cairo, either teaching or attending 
religious seminars given by the prominent scholars of the day. He 
wrote numerous treatises on religious and philosophical topics, but his 

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22 • AZALAY 

claim to fame rests on his Ma'u al Mawa'id, a travel book (al rihla 
al lyyashiya) containing information on scholars, theologians, and 
intellectual activities of the places he visited. Abu Salem is buried in 
Zawiya Sidi Hamza, northeast of Rich, as are the other members of 
the zawiya, or religious lodge. Zawiya is still active as a pilgrimage 
center, and the offsprings of the zawiya still hold an agdild (festival) 
every year during the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. 

AZALAY. Tuareg term meaning the annual or semiannual round-trip 
salt caravans traversing the Tenere Desert and the oases of Bilma, 
Fachi, and Agadez. Salt caravans usually travel in October and No- 
vember and in March and April, providing food items and commodi- 
ties to the desert oases and returning with salt slobs produced in 
Kouar. The azalay round-trip takes about three weeks. These cara- 
vans were led by a representative of the Amenukal of Air, followed 
by the camels of each Tuareg drum group. Previously all azalay were 
exclusively Tuareg, but since the advent of French colonialism, the 
Hausa and Toubou have become involved. With the introduction of 
trucks and the building of roads, the azalay as once practiced has vir- 
tually ceased. 

AZAWAD. Tuareg term for the western territories of Mali or desert 
north of the Niger Bend. The term has gained currency with the Tu- 
areg rebellion in the area. It is the center of Tuareg action that takes 
place on the border between Niger and Mali and is covered by the 
desert along the valley of the Azawak or Azawagh River. Azwad is 
to the north of Agadez, the starting point of the legendary caravan 
reaching the oasis of Bilma. 

AZAWAK. Vast region encompassing the Ader Plateau of southern 
Niger and the valleys of Air. See a I SO AZAWAD. 

AZAYKU SIDQI AL I (1942-2004). He was a poet and a professor of 
history at the University of Mohammed V in Rabat. Azayku was born 
in the village of Tafingult, south of Tizi n'Test, in Taroudant 
Province. Although he came from a modest family, he managed to get 
through the French and Moroccan school system and to earn an ad- 

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AZAYKU SIDQIALI (1942-2004) • 23 

vanced graduate degree in history and languages from the Ecole Pra- 
tique des Hautes Etudes in France. He was also a researcher the In- 
stitut Royal pour la Culture Amazigh (IRCAM) as well as a member 
of its governing board. 

From 1969 to 1970, while he was teaching history at the Uni- 
versity of Mohammed V in Rabat, he was an active member of the 
Association Marocaine de las Recherche et de l'Echange Culturel 
(AMREC), and he sought to highlight Berber issues. At this time, 
he was instrumental in founding Arraten (Writings), one of the 
first journals devoted to Berber culture and language. In 1981, he 
and M oh a in ed Chafik established the Amazigh cultural associa- 
tion dedicated to revising North African historiography and pro- 
viding a place for Berber culture and issues long suppressed by 
Arabist views of history. He also organized a conference called 
Berber Civilization. 

Subsequently, in 1981, he published an article titled "fi sabili 
mafhumin haqiqi lithaqafatina al-wataniya" (Toward a Real Under- 
standing of our National Culture) , in which he argued that unless the 
government of Morocco took its Berber identity and culture seri- 
ously, its future was bound to have severe consequences. It goes 
without saying that the content and tone of this piece angered the au- 
thorities, who charged the author with undermining the security of 
the state, while Arab nationalist voices deemed the revisionist notion 
of Moroccan culture and identity and that of North Africa as subver- 
sive and irresponsible. This article led to the imprisonment of Azayku 
for one year. 

Azayku wrote a series of articles on Berber culture and language 
and was the author of several books on history and poetry. He au- 
thored H istoire du Maroc ou les interpretations possibles (History of 
Morocco or Other Possible Interpretations), which appeared in al- 
islam wa al-amazigh (islam and Berbers) and Namadij min asma' al 
alaam al-jughrafiyah wa al-bachariyah al- maghribiyah (Examples 
of Moroccan Onomastics) in 2001. In 1993, he edited Rihlat al- wafid 
fi akhbar hijratal-walid fi hadihi al-ajbal bi idn al-wahid (Travel Ac- 
count of Tasaft's Marabout in the High Atlas) written by Abdullah 
Ben al-Hajj Brahim Atsafti. His poetry includes Timitar (Signs) 
(1989) and Izmoulen (Scars) (1995). 

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TURY). He was the chronicler of the A Imohad period and one of the 
devoted followers of the M ahdi I bn Tumart and his successor, v Abd 
al Mu'min. At the Almohad court, he documented the events of the 
day. However, not enough information is available about his life and 
works; only a 36-page manuscript in the Escurial Library (Madrid) 
has survived, published by E. Levi Provencal in "D OCUmentS inedits 
d'histoire almohade" (Paris, 1928). 

BARGHWATA. One of the strong historic Berber confederations of 
tribes in Morocco, a member of the M asmilda confederation. They 
lived in the area of Tamasna on the Atlantic coast between Sale and 
Safi. In the middle of the eighth century, they built up a theocratic 
state that lasted for about 400 years. Its origin dates to a revolt 
(740-742) led by Barghwata, Maknassa, and Mtaghra under the 
leadership of a Kharejite Berber, Maysara al-Mathaghri, a water car- 
rier in al-Qayrawan. The rebels conquered Tangier and in the Battle 
of the Nobles inflicted a decisive defeat on the caliph's troops. The 
revolt was suppressed, but one of Maysara's closest companions, 
Salih Ibn Tarif (749-795), claimed prophecy for himself. Others 
hold that it was Yunus Ibn Ilias who made such a claim for himself. 
Accordingly, claiming that he had hidden knowledge to divulge, 
Yunus announced that his forefather Salih was the prophet of the 
Berbers and that his name appeared in the "Qur'an of Muhammad" 
as "Salih of the true believers" in Surdt dl-Tdhrim. He composed the 
Qur'an in the Berber language for his people and imposed his reli- 
gion on them by force. The Qur'an has 80 SUTdS, or chapters. It was 
announced and believed that the one to whom the Berber Qur'an 
was revealed was the Mahdi, Salih Ibn Tarif. Historical documenta- 
tion shows that the Barghwata preserved the Islamic punishment of 
stoning for adultery but allowed men to marry more than four wives . 
They changed the Islamic practices in prayer, fasting, and food 
taboos but enforced their religious principles with strictness. 
Through their heretical religious system, the Barghwata isolated 
themselves until they were wiped out by the Almoravids in the mid- 
dle of the 11th century. 

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BARUNI AL-, SULEIMAN BASHA. He was a prominent Ibadithe 
Libyan Berber and a former member of the Ottoman parliament who 
proclaimed an independent but short-lived Berber state in the 
Gharyan region. Al-Baruni was from Fesatto in Jabal Nafusa and 
was a historian of North Africa and Islam. In 1908, on the eve of 
Italian colonial adventures into Libya, he was elected to represent 
Tripolitania in the Ottoman parliament. Suspected of harboring de- 
signs for an independent Ibadithe region in the western mountains, 
he was imprisoned for his subversive activism during the rule of Ab- 

When war broke out between Italy and the Ottomans, al-Baruni 
took the side of the latter. In 1916, he was rewarded with the gover- 
norship of Tripolitania, Tunisia, and Algeria. He was a member of the 
ruling Council of Four of the 1918 Tripoli Republic, and he allied 
himself with the Italians after the promulgation of the Legge Fon- 
ddmdntdle and visited Rome to celebrate its announcement. The Ital- 
ians, suspicious of his motives and desires for a separate Ibadithe 
province, considered his endorsement of the Tripoli Republic as 
merely tactical. 

The Italian policy of dividing the Berbers of Jabal Nefusa from 
their Arab countrymen resulted in a civil war in the early months of 
1921 . By the end of the summer of 1921 , most of the Berber popula- 
tion had taken refuge in coastal areas under Italian control. Blamed 
by Berbers for the unrest and its consequences, al-Baruni's career as 
a nationalist and politician came to an end. In November 1921 , he left 
Libya and traveled to France, Egypt, Turkey, and Mecca before set- 
tling down in Oman, where he was appointed finance minister. He 
died in 1940 in Muscat, Oman. He was the author of an important 
manuscript on one of the major Ibadithe Imam titled al azhar al 
riyadhiyyah fl a'imma wa muluk al "ibadhiyya. See also KHARI- 

BELLA. Songhay term for the slaves of the Tuareg. It is iklan in 
Tamasheq and BUZU in Hausa. 

BERBER DAHIR. Its Arabic name is al-dhahir al-barbari, a still- 
much-debated decree to innovate the system of jurisdiction in Mo- 
rocco, promulgated by Sultan Muhammad V on 16 March 1930 at the 

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26 • BERBERIST CRISIS (1949-1950) 

suggestion of the French resident general, Lucien Saint. It instituted 
for the Berber country the administration of justice according to its 
tribal customary law by local assemblies (jama a), as opposed to 
shsri"d, in all matters of personal status, inheritance, and civil or 
commercial litigation and established the competence of French law 
in criminal cases. Claiming to protect the Berber way of life, it was 
in fact a colonial tool to debilitate the Arab urban nationalist feelings 
and did not escape the severe criticism of political and academic 
groups in France. In Morocco, it evoked sharp reactions by the men 
of religion as an act that excluded Muslims from the Law of Allah 
such as it was laid in the Qur'an, and others saw it as a process of de- 
Islamization and conversion to Christianity. Violent attacks on the 
Dahir were launched by young urban bourgeois nationalists and in 
the mosques, mainly in Fes, Rabat, and Sale. A delegation of 
(j/ama — notables, men of letters, artisans, and farmers — submitted 
to the sultan a petition demanding the abrogation of the Dahir, 
reestablishment of the unified judicial system, discontinuation of 
Christian missionary activities, and institution of Arabic as the offi- 
cial language and the general language of education. These activities 
found a loud echo inside and outside Morocco. In 1934, another 
Dahir partly restored the role of shdri a . Otherwise, the Berber Dahir 
remained in force until it was repealed by the Moroccan government 
after the achievement of independence. Its historic significance, how- 
ever, was that it gave birth to currents of resistance against the French 
policies and Moroccan nationalism and has been used to justify the 
Arabization drive that swept much of North African policymaking 
after independence, doing damage to Berber culture and language. 

BERBERIST CRISIS (1949-1950). This crisis refers to the ideologi- 
cal split between the Kabyle leaders who called for a secular and 
multicultural Algeria and the dominant Arab-Islamist ideology within 
the Algerian mainstream nationalist movement. Although the crisis 
alienated many Berbers and many were purged, it did not provoke a 
mass desertion of Berbers. In addition, Hocine Ait Ahmed was ex- 
cluded from the leadership of the Organisation speciale (OS), fran- 
cophone intellectuals such as Mouloud Mammeri and Mouloud 
Feraoun were condemned for their reactionary regionalism, and key 
Kabyle historic leaders of the war of independence, notably Abbane 

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Ramdane and Krim Belkacem, were assassinated. These tensions 
resurfaced after independence and remain potent down to this day be- 
tween visions of a secular Algeria and an Arab-Muslim Algeria, al- 
though Algeria's 1964 constitution declared Algeria to be an "Arab 
Muslim country." 

BERBER POLICY. This policy refers to a series of measures taken by 
the French in Algeria from 1890 to 1930 and in the Protectorate of 
Morocco from 1913 to 1934 to implement the system of education, 
the organization of justice, and the reform of the jama a (council) tra- 
ditions and infrastructures. It is also known as native policy. 

In Algeria, it took the form of the K abyle myth, which highlighted 
the distinctive historical features of Berber society, and it was based 
on attempts to abolish Muslim institutions. Based on the Kabyle 
myth, French native policymakers played up the notion that the 
Kabyles were superficially Islamized and were viewed as descen- 
dants of the Gauls, the Romans, and Christian Berbers of the Roman 
era or the German Vandals. Some even called Kabylia the "Auvergne 
of Africa." Kabyles were believed to be more open to assimilation 
and amenable to French laws than Muslim Arabs. Education in 
French schools was encouraged, and Quranic schools were shut 
down. But despite the attempts to introduce French cultural ways 
among the Kabyles, the French invested considerable energy to de- 
fend customary laws, or qdnoun, against the sharVa (Islamic law) 
and to preserve the jama 'a, or village councils. In 1898, the Kabyles 
were given separate status in the delegations financieres to remove 
contact between them and Arabs. However, with the development of 
better communications, this policy, ironically and much to the cha- 
grin of its originators and defenders, exposed Kabylia to intensive 
streams of Arabization. 

Similarly in Morocco, the French practiced a policy of divide and 
rule where Berbers were concerned. In opposition to Arab identity, 
the policy was framed within the racist notion of a Berber race with 
different racial and cultural attributes, such as democracy, light and 
superficial practices of Islam, lack of fanaticism, superior physical 
traits, entrepreneurship, bravery, and honesty. The major goal was to 
preserve Berber customs and religious practices in the hope of nur- 
turing the future acculturation and education of Berbers as colonial 

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assistants distinct from the "deceitful" Arabs. In the initial stages, 
Catholic missionaries (especially Cardinal Lavigerie) were encour- 
aged to preach the gospel in the Berber areas and sought to foster 
French culture and language through the revitalization of Berber 
Christianity. The core of the policy stressed separate educational and 
judicial systems for Berbers. Franco-Berber schools were established 
in the M iddle Atlas: six schools were built in 1923, growing to 20 
schools with an enrollment of 600 by 1930. In 1926, an advanced 
school called College d'Azrou (today Lycee Tariq Ibn Ziyad) was 
created that soon, much to the dismay of the supporters of the Berber 
Policy, provided an ideal environment where assimilated Berbers 
learned Arabic and adopted pan-Arab and Islamic attitudes and 

The reform of the indigenous system of justice began with a circu- 
lar of 22 September 1915 (no. 7041) recognizing the legal impor- 
tance of Berber customary law, or azerf, and the role of the jama a as 
sources of arbitration and conflict resolution in Berber areas. In 1924, 
legal mechanisms were put in place to define the legal functions of 
the jama a as well as those of appointed arbitrators and to make the 
Berber judicial system different from the standards legal norms pre- 
vailing in the rest of Morocco. By 1929, there were 72 judicial 
jdlVd a dispensing legal services to about a third of all Muslim Mo- 
roccans. This new system caused problems for Arabs living in Berber 
areas, and it angered the sultan, who maintained that all areas should 
be subject to the sharVa. 

Further, on 16 May 1930, the French put forward the Berber 
Dahir to revamp the Berber legal system in Berber regions. Its most 
alarming article (number 6 of 8) withdrew legal jurisdiction over 
crimes committed in Berber areas from the High Sharifian Tribunal 
and thus placed them outside the purview of the shari a . This attempt 
led to protests in North Africa and the Middle East and was inter- 
preted as a trick to cut off the Berbers from their Muslim brothers and 
sisters and convert them to Christianity. The protests were orches- 
trated by urban nationalists (mostly Arabs) , but the overall impact of 
the Dahir was to provide a context for the cultivation of a nationalist 
movement and, ironically, to force the French to abolish their Berber 
Dahir. A Dahir of 8 April 1934 abandoned the goals of the Berber 
Dahir and placed Berbers under the shari a for all except civil mat- 

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ters, where customary law and the jama 'a were maintained. With in- 
dependence, schools were reorganized, and the so-called Berber 
Dahir was abolished. 

BERBER SPRING (1980). In April 1980, the region of Kabylia was 
the setting of resistance to the exclusionary and marginalization poli- 
cies of the government of Algeria. Following the provocative act of 
cancellation by the governor of the Wilaya of Tizi UZOU of a lecture 
on Berber poetry that was to be delivered at the University of Tizi 
Ouzou on 10 March 1980 by M Ollloud M ammeri, students protested 
and occupied the university. Students clashed with security forces 
and the military for two weeks, leading to mass demonstrations 
throughout the region. The confrontation left 36 protestors dead and 
hundreds wounded. 

These events, known as the Tdfsut and popularly known as the 
"Berber Spring" or Printemps Berbere, had several political implica- 
tions for the Berber movement inside and outside Algeria. First, it 
ushered in Berberism as a political force in postindependence Alge- 
ria. The Mouvement Culturel Berbere (MCB) gained substantial im- 
petus against state authorities and also became a secular counterbal- 
ance to Islamic politics. This politicization process was also 
expressed in a series of Berber protests against state policies in Black 
October 1988, the school boycotts of 1994 and 1995, July 1998, 
Black Spring 2001 (60 dead, hundreds wounded), and March and 
April 2002. Second, the Berber Spring produced martyrs whose an- 
nual commemoration, as well as for those Kabyles who have been 
killed by state or Islamist forces, informs in a ritual manner the po- 
litical struggle of the Kabyles against the Algerian state. Finally, it 
denationalized the Kabyle struggle and lent it regional and global di- 
mensions, notably in the neighboring countries where Berbers reside 
and among the Berber diaspora in Europe and North America. 

BU-ILMAWN. This term, from the word ilmawn, meaning "skins," 
refers to masquerades and carnivals connected with various feasts in 
North Africa in which a man is dressed up in the skins of the sacri- 
ficed animals. In the company of his wife Ti'azza and several Jews 
and blacks, he beats people with a stick or with the foot of a sacri- 
ficed goat or sheep. Bu-ilmawn, also called bujlud or bu-lbtdyn in 

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Moroccan Arabic, is covered with skins of sacrificed animals and has 
the horns of the sacrificed animals on his head. Accompanied by mu- 
sicians, they dance their way from house to house, beating and teas- 
ing people in a profane manner and receiving an assortment of gifts 
from each household. Bu-ilmawn is believed to represent the holiness 
of the feast and transfers this baraka (divine grace) to those with 
whom he comes in contact. At the same time, he is also teased, 
pushed about, and often slapped with slippers. In short, he embodies 
a scapegoat as well as a positive cleanser of evil. The characters and 
meanings of masquerades differ from region to region. For an inter- 
pretation of masquerades in the H igh Atlas M ountains. see Abdel- 
lah Hammoudi's ethnography, The Victim and Its M asks (1993). 


CANARY ISLANDS. The Guanches, now an extinct population and 
an offshoot of the race of Berbers, were the native inhabitants of the 
Canary Islands. The Canary Islands form an archipelago in the North 
Atlantic Ocean facing the Moroccan Atlantic coast and is an au- 
tonomous region of Spain. The archipelago consists of seven impor- 
tant islands and some islets. They are Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, 
the nearest to the Moroccan shores; then come Tenerife and Gran Ca- 
nada, while farther westward are Palma, Gomera, and El Hierro. The 
total area of the islands is about 7,273 square kilometers; their cur- 
rent population is about 1, 635,000. The country in general is moun- 
tainous and volcanic; in Tenerife, the Pico de Teide reaches a height 
of 3,718 meters and towers above other mountains that extend 
throughout the islands, generally from northeast to southwest. There 
is no large river, but there are numerous springs and torrents. The 
fauna differ little from that of Europe, with the exception of the 
dromedary and the thistle finch, or canary bird. There are extensive 
forests of pine and laurel, and some tranks reach a gigantic height. 
The climate of the islands is mild; hence, they are much frequented 
as winter resorts. The Canary Islands are essentially agricultural. 
Their economy, though subject to frequent droughts, produces an 
abundance of fruits, sugarcane, tobacco, bananas, tomatoes, fish, and 
wines. The most important centers of population are Santa Cruz de 

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CHAFIK, MOHAMED (1926-) • 31 

Tenerife, Orotava, and La Laguna on the island of Tenerife; Las Pal- 
mas and Arrecife on Gran Canada; Santa Cruz de la Palma on Palma; 
and Quia and Valverde on El Hierro. 

C APSIAN. This term refers to the ancient people who occupied North 
Africa as early 6,000 B.C. They are said to be Berbers who had 
adopted a Neolithic way of life and culture. 

CHAAFI, LIMAN.A Libyan Tuareg rebel and leader of the Front 
Populaire pour la Liberation du Niger (FLPA), based in Libya, which 
launched the first armed attack against Tchin Tabaraden in 1982. He 
was also involved in the 1976 and 1983 coup attempts on President 
Seyni Kountche in Niger. 

CHAFIK, MOHAMED (1926- ). Professor Mohamed Chafik is one 
of the most prominent trailblazers of the Moroccan Berber cultural 
movement. He was born on 17 September 1926 at Ait Sadden, in the 
province of Sefrou, Wilaya of Fes. He graduated from the College 
d'Azrou, a Franco-Berber school established in 1927. Later, he re- 
ceived a university diploma in history. In 1959, he became a regional 
primary education inspector, then general inspector of primary 
schools in 1963. In 1967, he became head inspector for history and 
geography before being appointed, in 1970, undersecretary of state 
for secondary, technical and higher education, and vocational train- 
ing, a post that he held until 1971. He also worked as secretary of 
state to the prime minister and in the same year was appointed head 
of mission to the Royal Cabinet and director of the Royal College. He 
is a member of the Academy of the Kingdom of Morocco and is an 
accomplished Arabist. On 14 January 2002, he was appointed by 
King Mohammed VI rector of the Institut Royal pour la Culture 

One of the defining elements in Chafik's intellectual experience 
was his early recognition that the Moroccan landscape is a set of mul- 
tiple societies that are in turn composed of diverse histories and com- 
munities. His effort to celebrate difference and diversity in Moroccan 
society, bent on a strict interpretation of pan- Arabist and Islamist ide- 
ologies and one that refuted the place and history of Berbers, is thus 
remarkable. In the 1960s, he wrote a series of articles on the meaning 

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and significance of Amazigh/Berber culture and its contribution to the 
national struggle for independence ("From Our Unknown Heritage: A 
Taxonomy of Amazigh Songs and Dances," Afdq, no. 5 [1967], and 
"From our Unknown Heritage, Poem of National Enthusiasm," A faq, 
no. 6 [1967]). Among his works of interest are U nderdeveloped 
Thoughts (1972), What the Muezzin Says (1974), An Outline of 
Thirty-Three Centuries of Berber History (1989), Forty-Four Berber 
Lessons (1991), Arab-Berber Dictionary in Three Volumes (1993, 
1996, 2000), Al-llughatu al-amazighiyya: Binyatuha al-llisaniyah 
(1999), and Le dial ecte marocain: Espace de confluence entrel'arabe 
etl'amazighe and Pour un Maghreb d'abord Maghrebin (2000). He 
also cofounded the cultural Berber magazine Tifawt and played a 
prominent role in the writing and composition of the Amazigh M an- 
ifesto. a document that was designed to channel Berber grievances 
and demands outlined in the 1991 Agadir Charter. 

C H A U I A . In the southeast of K abyle country live the Chaouia of the 
Aures Mountains. The Chaouia resemble the Kabyles in many 
ways. Their communities are much like the Kabyle ones, and they too 
are governed by village-based sections or councils, called harfiqt, 
and both occupy impregnable valleys and mountains. While the 
Kabyles are peasants and more precisely gardeners, tending fruit 
trees (olives and figs), the Chaouia's economy, because of the 
scarcity of arable soil and the dictates of the variable rainfall, is based 
on a combination of intensive irrigated agriculture and livestock 
raising. Because of the verticality of the Aures' geography, the Ouled 
'Abdi and Ouled Daoud take advantage of the wide range of possi- 
bilities offered by varying natural zones and different climatic levels. 
They cultivate cereals in the highlands and in the irrigated lowlands 
of the oases, practice horticulture, tend fruit trees, raise livestock that 
involves the transhumance of the animals, and maintain symbiotic 
commercial relations with the bordering Saharan communities. The 
name "Chaouia" means "shepherd." 

The harfiqt (clan) and 'arch (tribe) are the most basic social units. 
The harfqit bears the name of the ancestor who is the object of an an- 
nual ceremony of worship. A distinguishing feature of the Chaouia 
way of life are the communal granaries (al-guel'a), fortified houses 
with many separate rooms for the different families to store the har- 

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vests. The hdrfiqt appointed a member of the community to look af- 
ter the stores during the absences made necessary by the practice of 
seminomadism. In some cases, the granary could be entrusted to look 
after itself, being high up on an inaccessible cliff. 

The present-day Chaouia country is the ancient Numidia, the an- 
cient domain of such Berber kings as Masinissa (238 b.c-138 B.C.), 
Jugurtha (160 B.c-104 B.C.), and Juba I (85 b.c-46 b.c.) and Juba II 
(52 b.c.-a.d. 23). Chaouias and Kabyles speak such different dialects 
of the Tamazight language that they cannot readily understand each 
other. On the northern slopes lies Timgad, a Roman military colony 
built by Emperor Trajan in a.d. 100. See also AGADIR; AURES 

CHAR BOUBBA. This refers to the war fought between 1644 and 
1674 by the Sanhaja confederation against the invading Bani Has- 
san Arabs, who reached North Africa from their homeland, Yemen, 
by the 17th century. It is also known as Mauritania's Thirty Years' 
War. Reacting to the disruption of their caravan trade interest and 
routes in the north, the Sanhaja, led by the Lemtuna imam Nassir Ed- 
dine, tried to resist the Arab invasion and reclaim Berber standing in 
the territory, which had steadily been on the decline. The Sanhaja 
were defeated and were compelled, by the treaty of Tin Yedfad, to 
give up warfare for the book (the Qur'an), pay tribute (hormd) and 
perform various services, and place themselves at a social level be- 
low that of their Arab invaders, that is, as Zenaga, or vassals. Over 
time, the most learned Berbers became marabouts and imams and es- 
tablished religious lodges. The social structure of today's Mauritania 
reflects the outcome of Char Boubba, at least among the Moors. The 
Moors are the dominant ethnic group in Mauritania, and the Moorish 
peoples are in most cases of Arab or Berber origin who speak Has- 
saniya Arabic and live primarily in the Moroccan Sahara and in Mau- 
ritania, particularly in the administrative regions of Adrar, Dekhlet- 
Nouadhibou, Inchiri, Tagant, Tiris Zemmour, and Trarza. See dlso 

CHINGUETTI. Located in the Adrar region, it is one the oldest and 
best-known Mauritanian towns. It is a holy city of Islam housing in- 
valuable, centuries-old manuscripts, and it is struggling to preserve 

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34 • CHOUKRI, MOHAMED (1925-2003) 

them while becoming slowly engulfed by moving sand. Chinguetti's 
three major and several private libraries are estimated to contain up 
to 10,000 manuscripts, some of them unique in the Islamic world. 

Chinguetti was built in the third century a.d. as an important cara- 
van stop and commercial center by the Sanhaja Confederation, which 
controlled much of Mauritania until the Almoravid conquest in 1076. 
Under the Almoravids, it remained an important trade center and also 
acquired a reputation as a preeminent center of Islamic learning, so 
much so that it came to be viewed, by the 16th century, as the 17th 
holiest location in all Islam. With the encroachment of European pow- 
ers and the reorientation of trade routes away from the town and to- 
ward European-controlled coastal areas of North Africa, Chinguetti 
suffered a commercial setback, although as one the major religious 
center it continued to host a substantial collection of Quranic manu- 
scripts as well as other writings dating back to the founding of the 
town. At the beginning of French occupation, a fort was built there to 
serve the French Foreign Legion. By the mid-20th century, the decline 
continued and desertification threatened the viability of the town and 
its people. Consequently, Chinguetti's population dropped from 
40,000 in the 14th century to about 5,000 today. 

CHOUKRI, MOHAMED (1935-2003). He was born on 15 July 1935 
in the village of Bni Chiker near the city of Nador in the R if region. 
He was one of the most original writers in North Africa. To escape 
hardship, famine, and a tyrannical father, at the age of 11 he left and 
settled in Tangier and worked in various jobs. In 1955, at the age of 
20, he taught himself to read and write. Shortly afterward, he began 
his writing career. 

In the 1970s, he met the American expatriate writer and composer 
Paul Bowls, who encouraged his writing projects and translated his 
first novel and autobiography, al-khubz al hafi (For Bread Alone), 
written in 1973. Reminiscent of M Oil I Olid Feraoun's powerful writ- 
ing style, Choukri describes in stunning details his adolescence dur- 
ing the 1940s illustrated with experiences of vagabondage, prostitu- 
tion, petty crime, and drug use. Translated into 12 languages and 
defying all literary rules and religious boundaries in Morocco, his 
book was banned and would not be available to the Moroccan public 
until 2000. 

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In addition to his famous novel For Bread Alone, Choukri's stories 
appeared in various literary magazines, such as Harper's BdZdar, 
Transatlantic, and Antaeus. His major works include Le Fou des 
Roses (1979), Tennessee Williams in Tangier (1979), T7ie Tent (1985), 
The Inner Market (1985), J ean Genetin Tangier (1990), Jean Genet 
et Tennessee Williams a Tanger (1992), Streetwise (1994), loco 
Chico (1996), Paul Bowles: Le rectus de Tanger (1997), and Tempta- 
tion Of the White Blackbird (1998). Choukri died on 13 November 


COMITE D'ETUDES BERBERES. In order to facilitate the imple- 
mentation of General Louis-Hubert Lyautey's vision of dealing with 
Moroccan Berbers, he founded the Comite d'Etudes Berberes in Ra- 
bat to systematize research on Berbers by a decision of 9 January 
1915. The committee capitalized on the brain trust on Berber prob- 
lems provided by such key colonial scholars as Maurice LeGlay, 
Emile Laoust, Mostapha Abes, S. Nehlil, Gaston Loth, S. Biarnay, 
Gaillard, Henrys, Colonel H. Simon, and Commandant Berriau, 
among other protectorate officials. The committee focused on the 
study of Berbers and was concerned with formulating the Berber 
Policy. The journal Les Archives Berberes was created, and its first 
issue appeared in 1915. During the four years of its existence, the 
journal published the first monograph devoted to a Moroccan Berber 
tribe and a series of articles on Berber ethnology, customs, and azerf, 
or law. By 1919, much work had been done on Tamazight, or Berber, 
and foundations were laid for research on legal studies, ethnology, 
and history of the M iclclle Atlas Berbers. Research on Berber society 
formed the basis of the Dahir of 11 September 1914, a precursor to 
the full-blown version of the Berber Dahir of 16 May 1930. See also 



Founded on 11 September 1993 by M ano Dayak. it includes several 

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political formations of Niger's Tuareg liberation fronts. Under its 
umbrella of coordination are the Front de Liberation de Temust 
(FLT), Front Patriotique de la Liberation du Sahara (FPLS), Armee 
Revolutionnaire de Liberation du Nord du Niger (ARLN) , and Front 
de Liberation de l'A'rr et de l'Azawad (FLAA). G hissa Ag Boula, the 
president of the FLAA, was also the vice president of the CRA. In 
1995, the CRA dissolved into the Organisation de la Resistance Ar- 
mee (ORA) led by Ghissa Ag Boula. In 1995, it signed a peace agree- 
ment with the government of Niger. At present, Ghissa Ag Boula is 
minister of tourism and crafts. 


D A M E R G U . Northwestern area of Damargaram in Niger and a ma- 
jor caravan stop on the Tripoli-Zinder-Kano route. It is home to the 
Imouzourag and Kel Owey Tuareg, who clashed over the control of 
the region. The Imouzourag protected sedentary farming communi- 
ties from attacks by the Kel Owey, who traditionally led and escorted 
all caravans throughout the region. With the advent of French colo- 
nial schemes of divide and rule, the Kel Owey ultimately defeated 
their rivals, the Imouzourag. 

DAW E L , A K L I . A federalist Tuareg political leader, he became min- 
ister of water resources and official spokesman of the Niger govern- 
ment. Named special envoy in Air to diffuse the Tuareg revolts in 
1992, he was arrested later in the sweeps of suspected Tuareg rebel- 
lion supporters by the Nigerien military in Agaclez and was released 
only after protests in the National Assembly. He was also president of 
the Union pour la Democratic et Progres Social (UDPS) party head- 
quartered in Agadez as well as leader of the Parti pour 1' Unite Na- 
tionale et la Democratic (PUND) . 

DAYAK, MANO (1949-1995). Internationally renowned Tuareg 
leader, activist, and scholar. He led the Tuareg rebellion in Air as 
well as the Front de Liberation de Temust (FLT). He was killed on his 
way to peace talks in a plane crash in the Adrar Chirouet region 
northeast of the Air Mountains on 15 December 1995. In April 1995, 

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DILA • 37 

Mano's coalition had refused to agree to a peace plan with the gov- 
ernment of Niger, and his allies remained opposed to the peace plan 
and continued to maintain their base of resistance in the Tenere 
Desert east of Agadez. He was author of Touareg, la Tragedie, pub- 
lished in 1992, in which he outlines the Tuareg plight and grievances 
against the Niger government. 

DHUAL-NUN (1033-1095). This refers to the Arabized name of the 
Banu Azinnun, a Hispano-Berber dynasty of the Party Kings in 
Toledo (1033-1085) and Valencia (1085-1092). They were members 
of the Hawwara tribe, which came to Spain in the early days of the 
Arab conquest and settled in the mountain region of northeastern 
Toledo. They achieved considerable influence in the towns of San- 
taver, Huete, and Ulces. Musa Ibn Zannun took control of the ancient 
Visigothic capital of Toledo in 888. 

During the following two centuries, the Banu Zannun continued to 
rank among the great Andalusian families. Despite the limitation of 
their sovereignty, their reign was one of Toledo's most brilliant peri- 
ods. They firmly organized public administration and finances, con- 
solidated the army, and enlarged their territory at the expense of 
weaker city-states. In 1065, they conquered Valencia. Their court be- 
came the meeting place of poets, scholars, and distinguished theolo- 
gians, who made Toledo an intellectual center. In 1102, the Al- 
moravid army conquered their domain and put an end the Banu 
Zannun dynasty. 

DILA. Known as the Ait Iddila in Tamazight, the Dila zawiya, or 
lodge, was the base for the political aspirations of the Idrassen and 
other Sanhaja groups of the Middle Atlas Mountains in the 16th 
century. The brotherhood was found in 1566 in the area between the 
High Moulouya Plateau and Khenifra. Abu Bakar (1536-1612), the 
founder of the lodge and a disciple of the Shadili-J azuli doctrine, 
was the first saint in a family that had long been recognized for its 
moral attributes and religious teaching. The family originated from 
the Mejjat tribe of the Idrassen, which had settled in the 15th century 
in the area between Tounfit and Midelt. The Dila had moved to the 
southwest of Khenifra, where they gained recognition as mediators to 
tribes and religious teachers. 

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In 1557, the Sa'diyin dynasty (1520-1660) granted the family spe- 
cial status for their religious services with exemption from taxes and 
corvee. The Dila quickly gained influence over the highlands popu- 
lation, and their religious services gave them new roles. In 1630, they 
extended their authority over the Andalusians of Sale, and in 1638, 
they defeated the Sa'diyin forces in a battle near Oued al Abid. In 
1640, they took over Meknes and soon after Fes, the Sais plain, and 
the Gharb, and most of the towns of northern Morocco came under 
their rule. By 1651, they controlled most of the active commercial 
routes of central Morocco, and a treaty was signed with the Dutch in 
the same year. 

At the same time, from the southeastern base of the Tafilalet, 
the Alawite Moulay Rachid had begun to consolidate an economic 
network that allowed him to challenge the Dila political position. 
In 1649, the city of Fes tried to overthrow the Dila rule, and the no- 
tables had invited the Alawite Muhammad Ibn Sharif to assume 
leadership. The revolt was suppressed. In 1660, Sale rebelled 
against the Dila, and by 1663, the Dila power was beginning to 
crumble. During the same period, the death of the Alawite Moulay 
Ali Al Sharif in 1659 had set off a succession struggle between two 
of his sons, Moulay Rachid and Moulay Muhammad. Moulay 
Rachid won the succession battle, and Moulay Muhammad was 
killed inl664. Soon he embarked on eliminating his serious rivals, 
a task he achieved in less than a decade. In 1668, he led an expe- 
dition against the Dila in which he defeated them and razed the 
lodges to the ground. Consequently, the immediate families of the 
Dila were exiled to Tlemcen, while the rest of the Dila notables 
took refuge in Fes. In 1671, Moulay Rachid secured the SOUS re- 
gion from al-Samlali heirs of Abu Hassoun. See also MIDDLE 

DONATISM . This refers to a North African Christian sect that dates 
back to the dispute over the election of Caecilian as bishop of 
Carthage in 312. Donatism was viewed as a heresy by the church. 
The movement was named after Donatus, primate of Numidia, who 
opposed Caecilian's election. Donatists were among the most edu- 
cated Romanized citizens of Numidia. They believed that the valid- 
ity of sacraments required that its ministers be in a state of sinlesness. 

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The church refuted this notion. This resulted in theological and often 
violent disputes between Donatists and Orthodox Catholics. Since 
they opposed the religion of the Roman Empire, they also rebelled 
against its political power. In 337, Emperor Constantine exiled the 
group's leader to Gaul, and in 412 and 414, they were legally denied 
ecclesiastical and civil rights. Augustine worked against them and 
weakened the movement. Despite all these obstacles, with the arrival 
of the Vandals the movement was rejuvenated, and it survived in 
North Africa until the Arab conquests in the seventh century. Some 
historians claim that Donatism was one the factors contributing to the 
demise of Roman power in North Africa. See also AUGUSTINE; 

DORI REBELLION. This refers to the December 1915 rebellion of 
the Tuareg of the Dori area inspired by the Sanusiyya leaders in the 
region at a time when the French were preoccupied with another re- 
bellion in Mossi in Burkina Faso. The uprising also extended to 
neighboring Songhay areas in Niger, although it did not spread and 
was crushed in June 1916. 

DROUGHTS. The Sahel lies along the southern edge of the Saharan 
Desert, covering about 4,500 kilometers from Senegal through Mau- 
ritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad, and blends into the less 
arid Sudano-Sahel belt on its southern edge. The 50 million people of 
the Sahel pursue diverse livelihood strategies including agriculture, 
pastoral nomadism, fishing, short- and long-distance trading, and a 
variety of urban occupations. Farming in this region is almost en- 
tirely reliant on three months of summer rainfall, except along the 
banks of the major rivers, lakes, and other seasonal watercourses. The 
transport infrastructure is, however, poor. There are only three main 
railway lines, and many smaller towns have been linked to the cities 
by paved roads only since the 1980s. The Niger and Senegal rivers 
have provided transport arteries for centuries. 

Despite complex economic migration patterns and urban expan- 
sion in the 20th century, the vast majority of the region's rural 
dwellers are dependent on some form of rain-fed agriculture or pas- 
toralism. Some suggest that there are no "normal" rainfall levels in 
this region, just fluctuating supplies and changing human demand for 

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water. Three major droughts occurred in the 20th century — in 
1910-1916, 1920-1921, 1930-1931, and 1941-1945-and a long 
period of below-average rainfall (termed "desiccation") began in the 
late 1960s and continued, with some interruptions, into the 1980s. 
Absolute minimum rainfall levels were recorded at many stations in 
1983 and 1984. The period of poor rainfall in the 1970s struck par- 
ticularly hard for many Sahelian farmers and pastoralists, causing an 
estimated 100,000 drought-related deaths. 

The devastating impacts of the droughts of the 1968-1974 and 
those that followed have had cumulative impacts, but these impacts 
form part of complex patterns of social and economic change, and it 
is almost impossible to separate the effects of the natural hazard 
(drought) from other factors that made individuals vulnerable. Vul- 
nerability is an everyday situation for some people but a rare occur- 
rence for others. It is important here to differentiate between meteor- 
ological drought— below-average moisture supply— and the effects 
of changing human land uses and practices. Low rainfall can be 
coped with if farmers and nomads have diverse livelihood systems or 
sufficient assets. Famine situations have resulted in aridity where 
drought conditions have surprised populations that were unprepared 
for them (as in the 1970s, when 15 years of good rainfall had en- 
couraged many to overinvest in agriculture) and where the possible 
range of adjustments have been constrained by warfare, social status, 
or corruption and mismanagement. 

The Tuareg of Air suffered the most during the 1970s drought as 
they were forced to give up their nomadic way of life and settle 
around boreholes in the vicinity of Agadez, where they received 
food aid and lost about 95 percent of their cattle. Because many no- 
mads became refugees, the population of Agadez climbed from 
20,000 to 105,000 in less than three years. Another 50,000 Tuareg 
refugees from Mali migrated to Niger in search of relief. In the 
1980s, another cycle of drought and famine devastated Niger as 
Lake Chad shrunk and the Niger River reached its lowest level since 
the 1920s. As the drought spread in the 1980s, it is believed that the 
majority of the population was living on foreign food aid, with some 
500,000 people displaced by the drought, most of whom were Tu- 
areg pastoralists. 

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In Mali, in contrast to the 1968-1974 droughts, the 1984-1985 
drought afflicted the entire country. Most of those concerned were Tu- 
areg and Maure pastoralists. It affected primarily the regions of Gao, 
Kidal, and Timbuktu. As a result, famine seriously affected the no- 
mads more than it did the sedentary. It is estimated that about 100,000 
people perished within the three regions. Livestock losses in the Gao 
region were estimated at 50 percent. The return of normal rains in 
1986 ended the drought. As a result of these recurrent droughts, Mali, 
Niger and neighboring Saharan states established the Comite Inter- 
Etats pour La Lutte Contre la Secheresse (CILSS). This organization 
set up the Sahel Institute based in Bamako, the capital of Mali. 


E M I G RAT ION. Because of the low economic productivity of Berber 
country, social inequities, and the paradoxes of colonialism, emigra- 
tion has been a major phenomenon in Berber life. During French and 
Spanish colonialism, there was internal and external emigration by 
Berbers to major internal towns and cities and to Europe, especially 
Spain and France. There were several thousand Algerians (including 
Kabyles) working in France before World War I, and their numbers, 
as well as those of other North Africans, increased during and after 
the war. In addition to providing soldiers, France, for instance, im- 
ported several thousand Algerians to replace French workers sent to 
the war lines. From 1950s to the 1970s, thousands of Berbers emi- 
grated to Belgium, France, Holland, and Germany to provide labor 
for the reconstruction of western Europe after World War II. There 
they constitute vibrant migrant communities and have since provided 
the balance of payment of their sending countries with massive re- 
mittances to keep them afloat. 

The emigrant second generation (called Beurs in France), with its 
Berber dimension, has been a cultural and political force in many Eu- 
ropean countries. As cultural brokers between Europe and Berber 
country, they are very active in advocating better living conditions 
for emigrants in host countries and have been very critical of the sen- 
timents and attitudes of North African and sub-Saharan governments 
toward Berber culture and language and the treatment of Tuareg 

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42 • ERG 

refugees. The second generation has also been very successful in 
using mobile technology, especially the Internet, to promote Berber 
transnational issues and to forge a sense of global community 
among Berbers. Working in democratic Europe, they have been in- 
strumental in creating the World Amazigh C ongress and in exper- 
imenting with Berber writing and music, resulting in a syncretic 
and powerful presence of all that is Berber on a world stage. See 

ERG. This term refers to large sand dune formations. 

ETTEBEL. A Tuareg term meaning "drum." It is the symbol of au- 
thority or sovereignty of all supreme chiefs, specifically the 
amenukdl, whose drum, or group, was the largest. This symbolized 
his authority over the entire federation of Tuareg tribes. The word et- 
tebel has many meanings. It is used to describe the drum group but 
denotes not only "authority" and "sovereignty" but also the idea of 
"belonging" in the context of lineage membership and descent and 
the various political, social, and economic obligations and ties of sub- 
ordination and dependency that shape an individual's social position. 
One is said to be agg ettebel, or "son of the sovereignty," when one 
belongs to one of the matrilineages from which the amenukal must be 
chosen according to customary rules. 


FADHMA N'SOUMER (1830-1863). Her real name is Fadhma Sid 
Ahmed, and she is also known as Lalla Fadhma. In the tradition of al- 
Kahina who resisted the Arab invasion of North Africa in the seventh 
century, Fadhma led resistance against the French. She was born to a 
marabout family, the Rahmaniya order, in the Werja village in 
Greater Kabylia in 1830, the same year the French launched their 
conquest of Algeria. At an early age, she memorized the Qur'an and 
also taught the Quranic school of her village. She is said to be of ex- 
ceptional intelligence and had the gift of a seer. In 1850 and before 
the French assault on Kabylia, she is said to have had a vision in 
which a foreign army led an assault on her native land, Kabylia. Her 

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FATIMIDS (910-1171) • 43 

account of the vision moved people to the point that they were 
preparing for a jihad against the French. 

In 1830, the French occupied Algiers, and 1831, they were kept 
away from Kabylia. In 1837, they finally succeeded in pushing back 
the Kabyles and built forts and bases for operations in the region. On 
7 April 1854, the French assault on parts of Kabylia was met by a ji- 
had organized by Fadhma. Fadhma's organization defeated the well- 
armed French troops in the battle of Oued Sebaou. During this battle, 
organized by Mohamed El Amdjed Ibn Abdelmalek (known also as 
Boubaghla), Fadhma led an army of men and women, and she dealt 
the French a painful defeat. Her victory was celebrated throughout 
Kabylia. The mosques, zawiyas, and Quranic schools erupted into 
chants of praise in honor of the heroine of the Djurdjura Mountains. 
The French were forced to retreat, only to return for the 18-20 July 
1854 battle of Tachekrirt. After two days of heavy fighting, the 
French forces were, once again, decimated by Fadhma and her army. 

In 1 857 , the French returned and this time with a much reinforced 
and superior military power, and despite the heroic resistance of the 
Kabyles and Fadhma, they fell to the superior weaponry of the 
French. In 1857, Fadhma was arrested and imprisoned in Tablat, 
where she died in 1863. She was 33 years old. Her heroic exploits are 
still celebrated in Kabyle stories, chants, and poems, making her a 
potent symbol of freedom and resistance against all forms of domi- 
nation and colonization. In 1994, the Algerian state reburied her re- 
mains in the Carre des Martyrs cemetery (El Alia), where prominent 
and historic leaders of Algerian nationalism rest. 

FATIMIDS (910-1171). The Fatimid dynasty ruled Ifriqya from 910 
until their departure for Egypt in 973. The dynasty was founded by 
the Syrian Said Ibn Hussein, who later took the name "Ubayd Allah. 
"Ubayd Allah belonged to a militant branch of the Shfa sect called 
IsmaMlis. Urged by "Ubayd Allah, the Kutama Berbers of eastern Al- 
geria, who were disgruntled with the Aghlabid rule, acknowledged 
"Ubayda as the Mahdi (divinely guided one) and the caliph. The 
Aghlabids' defeat at the hands of the Kutama paved the way for 
"Ubayda Allah's rise to authority. The decision to name itself "Fa- 
timid" indicated the dynasty's search for legitimacy by claiming de- 
scent from the Prophet Muhammad by way of his daughter Fatima 

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44 • FERAOUN, MOULOUD (1913-1962) 

Azzahra and her husband, Ali Ibn Abi Talib, who was the fourth 
caliph and cousin of the Prophet. Soon his control extended all over 
the Maghrib, which he governed from his newly founded capital, 
Mahdiya, named after him. 

Its rulers' choice of the title "caliph" reflected their wish to chal- 
lenge the supremacy of the caliphs as the sole leaders of Islam. They 
launched attacks against Abbasid territories to the east. After several 
internal and external challenges, especially the Umayyad and their 
Zanata allies, the Zirids in the 960s the Fatimids successfully en- 
tered Egypt, where they founded the city of al-Qahira (Cairo) in 969. 
They continued their conquest of the east until they ruled a vast realm 
stretching from Tunisia through Sicily to the Levant. In 1171, Salah 
al-Dine (Saladin) attached Egypt to the Abbasid caliphate, and Egypt 
returned to the Sunni realm of Islam, putting an end to the Fatimids. 

FERAOUN, MOULOUD (1913-1962). A Kabyle writer whose real 
name is Ait Chaabane Mouloud Feraoun. Feraoun was born on 8 
March 1913 in Tizi Hibel in Greater Kabylia. Although he was born 
to a poor peasant family, he managed to get through the French 
school system and to earn a diploma at the Bouzareah Normal School 
(Teachers College) in Algiers. After graduation, he returned to his na- 
tive village as an elementary school teacher and married his cousin. 
In 1947, he was assigned to Taourirt Moussa and became a school 
principal in 1952. 

Feraoun was one of the most prolific francophone writers of his 
generation. In all his works, he described Kabyle everyday life and 
times, highlighting the universality of the human condition. He pub- 
lished three novels, a series of essays, and a translation of the poems 
of the prominent Kabyle poet, Si Mohand. His novels are Le fils du 
pauvre (1950), La terreetleSang (1953), andies chemins qui mon- 
tent. His first novel, L e fils du pauvre, is considered a masterpiece of 
Algerian literature. In it, using a romantic writing style and based on 
his village life story, he describes the ups and downs of growing up 
in Kabylia. In 1954, he published a series of essays entitled ) OUfS de 
Kabylie, and his translation of L es poemes de Si M ohand appeared in 
1960. In addition, three posthumous works include journal 
1955-1962 (1962), Les lettres a ses amis (1968), and an unfinished 
novel that he began writing in 1959, L'anniversaire (1972). On 15 

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FLATTERS EXPEDITION (1880-1881) • 45 

March 1962, Feraoun as well as five of his colleagues were assassi- 
nated by a commando of the Organisation armee secrete (OAS) , an 
extremist organization of the French settlers in Algeria. 

FEZZAN-BORNU ROUTE . One of the oldest trans-Saharan caravan 
routes that ran from Tripolitania through the Fezzan to Lake Chad. 
For centuries, it had retained its primacy, and as late as the 1820s, it 
was the one preferred by the Oudney-Clapperton-Denham expedi- 
tion. But in the following decades, it became increasingly unsafe for 
caravans because of Toubou and Tuareg bandits, with the result that 
by the middle of the century it had been eclipsed by the more west- 
erly route that ran through Ghadames, Ghat, and Zinder to Kano. 

F I H R U N (1885- 1916). A menukal of the Ouilliminden, who led a re- 
volt against the French from 1912 to 1916. In 1914, he joined the 
Grand Sanusiyya call for jihad in Fezzan; he was arrested in October 
of the same year and sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment and 20 
years of exile and exiled to Timbuktu. He skillfully managed to es- 
cape from prison in Gao and then organized a jihad against the 
French. He marched on Filingue, an important market and Hausa 
town, but his assault was short lived, as the French forces crushed his 
siege, and Firhoun died in 1916. After his death, the people of Air 
would revolt under the direction of another Tuareg supreme chief, 

FIRNAS IBN 'ABBAS (?-887). He was an Andalusian scholar of 
Berber origin and the official court poet under three Umayyad emirs 
(796-886). He was also possessed of remarkable talent in fields re- 
lated to mathematics, astronomy, and physics. In Ibn Hayyan's 
Muqtdbis, it is reported that Firnas acquainted the scholars of his 
country with the system of Arabic numerals, the knowledge of which 
he acquired on a voyage to Iraq. He built for his royal patrons a me- 
chanical clock and armillary sphere. He also constructed a human- 
sized gear for flying and flew it a few seconds in the air; he fell down 
safely to the ground. 

FLATTERS EXPEDITION (1880- 1881). This expedition was named 
after Lieutenant Colonel Paul Flatters, who led the first large-scale 

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46 • FLATTERS EXPEDITION (1880-1881) 

reconnaissance into the Sahara. He attended St.-Cyr and was a lieu- 
tenant in the Third Zouaves. He was an Arabist and served in the Bu- 
reaux Arabes. In November 1880, the expedition left Laghouat, un- 
der the command of Colonel Flatters, to explore the unconquered 
terrain south of Ouargala and to survey a route through Ahaggar for 
building a transcontinental railway, the Trans-Saharan, from Algiers 
to the Sudan. The expedition consisted of 92 men (French officers 
and engineers, Arab soldiers, and Arab Chaamba guides and 
cameleers). On 16 February, as they moved deeper into Ahaggar, Tu- 
areg, waiting in ambush, charged one of the columns and slaughtered 
many members of the group. For the 40 desperate survivors, there 
was no alternative but to face an impossible trek back to the nearest 
French post, which was about 750 kilometers to the north. In addi- 
tion, these starved men were fed dates mixed with a poisonous plant 
that acted as a nervous stimulant, rendering a person delirious. Fol- 
lowing Flatters 's massacre in February and intermittent skirmishes 
with the Tuareg, the survivors staggered relentlessly northward. They 
were starved and in constant search of water and food; many perished 
because of suicide and cannibalism. 

The French interest in the Tuareg, however, was renewed in 1897 
when the Taytok raided the Arab Chaamba, who were French allies 
and auxiliaries, at Hassi Inifel. The real threat to Tuareg indepen- 
dence came in 1899 when the French Flamand-Pein expedition 
pushed southward to occupy In Salah, followed shortly by the occu- 
pation of the Tidikelt, Touat, and Guerrara oases. The French occu- 
pation of these oasis towns and villages seriously imperiled the Ahag- 
gar communities and would spell the beginning of the end of their 
access to goods and services of oasis dwellers. The reaction of the 
Tuareg to French encroachment was to raid the camps of Arabs un- 
der French authority and pillage the oases of Tidikelt, Touat, Aoulef , 
and Akabil. The pillaging and exactions, combined with internal Tu- 
areg disputes over traditional leadership roles, provoked French 
reprisals that culminated in the punitive expedition of Lieutenant 

Lieutenant Colonel Flatters authored Histoire ancienne du Nord de 
I'Afriqueavantla conquete des Arabes (1863) andH istoire de la geo- 
graphic et geologie de la province de Constantine (1865). See also 


06- 279 A- F. qxd 6/22/06 12:34 PM Page 


FONA. Rebel chief and warrior of the Kel Tafidet. He held sway over 
all the Kel Owey of the east and participated in anti-French resistance 
in Air, Damergou. and Tibesti. He led the resistance in Tibesti and 
was one of the most prominent members of the Kaoucen revolt. In 
1918, he also took part in the assault on Fachi. Finally, he was ar- 
rested and imprisoned in Kano, Nigeria, then relocated to Zinder, dy- 
ing in prison in Niamey. 


(FLAA). One of the major Tuareg liberation fronts, from which 
many factions splintered in 1993 because of French and Algerian in- 
fluences, specifically the Armee Revolutionnaire de L iberation du 
Nord Niger (ARLN) and the Front deliberation de Tern ust (FLT). 
Led by Ghissa Ag Boula its historic leader and also former vice 
president of the rebel coordination group, the Coordination de la 
Resistance Armee (C RA), the front claims to represent both Air and 
Azawak. It was created by young Tuaregs in 1991 in response to the 
government of Niger, which failed to withdraw its armed forces from 
the region and to establish a decentralized federal system in the coun- 
try. In 1993, the FLAA signed a peace agreement that resulted in an 
exchange of prisoners and a long period of peace in Niger. 

ment founded by Rhissag Sidi Mohammed in Mali in 1990. The 
FPLA rejected the proposal of the Malian government during the na- 
tional conference in 1992 in response to the Tuareg claims for auton- 
omy in the North. The FPLA led a struggle for federalism and au- 
tonomous existence in the north of Mali. The FPLA's position on 
independence was supported by most of the representatives of Tuareg 
refugees in Mauritania and Algeria. A clash with the Front Is- 
lamique Arabe de I'Azaouad (FIAA) led to fraternal warfare and 
political fragmentation between the two Tuaregs communities. 


group operating in the Temust area created after the splintering of the 
Front de Liberation de I' Air et de I'Azawad (FLAA) in August 

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1993. "Temust" in Tuareg means "culture." Led by the late Mano 
Dayak, it was part of the coalition of various Tuareg resistance 
groups currently combined under the C oordination de la Resistance 
Armee (CRA). In April 1995, the FLT refused to agree to a peace 
agreement with the government of Niger that was signed by another 
Tuareg coalition, l'Organisation de la Resistance Armee (ORA). The 
FLT and its allies remained opposed to the peace agreement and con- 
tinued to maintain its base of resistance in the Tenere Desert east of 

FRONT DES FORCES SOCIALISTES (FFS). This is an opposition 
party founded by Hocine Alt Ahmed and Mohand Ou Lhaj in 1963 
to represent and defend essentially Berber civil and political rights. It 
resisted President Ahmed Ben Bella's one-party rule and eventually 
led to a Kabyle insurrection against the central government in 1963. 
In its early development stages, the party suffered when Mohand Ou 
Lhaj reconciled with Ben Bella and Ait Ahmed was captured and 
condemned to death. Later, Ait Ahmed's sentence was commuted to 
life imprisonment. In 1966, he escaped from prison and took refuge 
in France and Switzerland. In 1989, he returned to Algeria, and the 
FFS was legalized as a consequence of the new electoral reforms en- 
acted in 1989. 

The FFS continues to be a Berber-based party and has militated for 
official status for Tamazight (the Berber language) and for a secular, 
pluralist Algerian society. The FFS has also called for greater auton- 
omy for Berber-dominated regions and more Berber input in central 
policymaking. The Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN), which has 
controlled Algeria's government since independence, has excluded 
Berbers from high-ranking positions within the party and enacted anti- 
Berber policies, such as the 1990 Arabization Law. In 1989, another 
Berber-dominated party, the Rassemblement pour la Culture et la 
Democratic (RC D), and the FFS jointly formed the Mouvement Cul- 
turel Berbere (MCB) as an umbrella organization under which the two 
parties undertake joint action to promote Berber rights and temper the 
anti-Berber Islamist positions in Algerian politics. In the first multi- 
party parliamentary elections of June 1997, the FFS captured 20 seats 
out of a 380-member National People's Assembly (al majlis al cha x bi 
al watani). See also berberist CRISIS. 

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group made up of Tuareg and Maures and established by Zahabi 
Ould Sid Mohammed. It was created in 1991during the negotiations 
of Tamanrasset, Algeria, in response to the persecution and repres- 
sion of Tuaregs and Maures in G 30 and Timbuktu, Mali. The FIAA 
participated in the negotiations with the F ront Populaire de L ibera- 
tion de I'Azouad (FPLA) and the M ouvements et F ronts U nifies de 
I'Azaouad (MFUA) at the National Conferences of 1991 and 1992. 
The FIAA was supported by Algeria and recognized by Mauritania. 
The bulk of its membership bases had an Islamic and Arab orienta- 
tion, with a large number of refugees in Algeria and Mauritania. Dur- 
ing 1990-1995, the FIAA continued its military operations in the 
north of Mali. At the same time, it was entangled in conflict with 
other Tuareg rebel groups. It was also accused of perpetrating vio- 
lence and running a campaign of intimidation in southeastern Mali. 


It emerged after the breakup of the Front de L iberation de I'A'l'r et 
de I'Azawad (FLAA) in 1994. It claims sovereignty over Niger's Sa- 
haran regions. Headed by Mohammad Anako, it operates in the same 
region as the A rmeeRevolutionnairede Liberation du Nord Niger 

(FPLA). A Tuareg rebel movement, based in Mauritania, that 
launched military attacks in the north of Mali in 1991 after the 26 
March coup d'etat. It was founded and led by Rhissa Sidi Mohamed 
in 1990. He refused to sign the proposal of the Malian government 
during the National Pact in 1992 in response to the Tuareg demands 
of autonomy in the north of the country, although representatives of 
refugees in Algeria and Mauritania supported it. He later agreed to 
support the National Pact. The FLPA is a splinter group that broke 
away from the Movement Populaire de I'Azaouad (MPA). The FLPA 
was also consumed by internal struggles with the Front Islamique 
Arab de I'Azaouad (FIAA). 

(FPLN). A major dissident group established with the objective of 

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overthrowing President Seyni Kountche of Niger. Led by Abdoulaye 
Diori, the son of ex-President Hamani Diori, it was responsible for an 
armed attack at Tchin Tabaraclen by 14 Libyan-trained Tuareg. The 
rebels attempted to seize arms and ammunition for use in further 
planned raids by the local Tuareg population. This attack was de- 
feated by the national army. The FPLN had its headquarters in Libya 
and a coordinating office in Tamanrasset in Algeria. In the 1990s, 
several members of the FPLN joined the Tuareg rebellion. 

areg umbrella political movement founded in December 1991 at el- 
Meniaa, Algeria, under the name of the Front Unifie pour la Defense 
de l'Azaouad (FUDA). It changed its name to Mouvements et Fronts 
Unifies de l'Azaouad (MFUA) and finally adopted its current label in 
1992 at a congress in Timbuktu. The FLA became the principal ne- 
gotiating body between the government of Mali and the Tuareg dur- 
ing the national conferences of 1991-1992. 

G AO (C ITY ). It is the capital of the region of G ao. The town was es- 
tablished around a.d. 650 and was the capital of the Songhay Empire, 
which was invaded by the Moroccans in 1591. Today, it is a com- 
mercial center of 55,000 people and the terminus for river trans- 
portation coming from Mopti and Koulikoro. It is also the terminus 
for road transport coming and going across the Sahara from Algeria 
and over the paved road from Mopti in the west. 

GAO (REGION). A region in Mali. The bulk of it is desert, and it once 
composed two-thirds of the total area of Mali. In 1977, the north- 
western part of Gao was turned into the region of Timbuktu. In 1991, 
the cercle of Kidal was separated as an autonomous region. The total 
area of the Gao region is 170,572 square kilometers. Its population of 
495,178 lives along the Niger River. The population is primarily 
Songhay, Tuareg, Maure, and Peul. Prior to the 1968-1974 
droughts, the region boasted one million head of cattle and about two 
million goats and sheep. The droughts killed 50 percent of the herds. In 

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GLAWA • 51 

1974, about 60,000 refugees sought shelter and aid in camps set up in 
Gao by the government and foreign aid donors. The Gao and Tim- 
buktu regions were the most seriously devastated by the 1984-1985 


GHALI,IYADAG.A Tuareg political figure and founder of the M OU- 
vement Populaire de I'Azaouad (MPA). He led a daring assault on 
Menaka prison on 29 June 1990 to free fellow Tuareg from Niger. He 
was a key participant in the national conference negotiations in 1991 
and 1992, which resulted in the National Pact of 12 April 1992. 

G L AWA. They constitute one of the minor branches of the M asmuda 
family of Berber tribes, with a vast sphere of influence stretching 
southeastward from Marrakech across the H igh Atlas range into the 
Dades and Dar'a oases. Although they do not appear in the history of 
the south until the middle of the 20th century, Glawa chieftains used 
their tribal territory and a policy of calculated loyalty to ascend to key 
positions in the state. The first to follow this path, at the time when 
Sultan Mohamed Ibn v Abdurrahman (1859-1873) after his defeat by 
the Spanish was confronted with revolts everywhere in the country, 
was one Mohamed al-Ibibat, who from his stronghold in Telouet con- 
trolled the passes on the important road from Marrakech toward the 
Sahara. In the midst of tribal insurrections and after careful weighing 
of his options, he joined the forces of the central government and in 
recognition of his services had his de facto control officially recog- 

His successor in the leadership, his son Madani Glawi 
(1860-1918), followed the same policy of calculated loyalty and be- 
gan to extend the Glawa control over a larger region until 1893 when 
the Glawa were organized on a comparable scale to the other grand 
caids, such as Goundafi and Mtouggui. In 1893, Madani allied him- 
self with Sultan Moulay Hassan I (1873-1894), who was on a ma- 
hdlld, or expedition, collecting taxes; he was appointed khdlifd for a 
vast region encompassing Tudgha, Tafilalet, and Fayja. In recogni- 
tion of his assistance and hospitality, the sultan left one of the new 
77-millimeter Krupp cannons and some mortars to be sent on later 

06- 279 G- R. qxd 6/ 22/ 06 8: 55 AM Page 


52 • CLAWA 

when the snow cleared, but these were never sent on and instead were 
used by Madani to advance his interests and set up on major strategic 
points a kasbah for a caid (local government officer in charge of the 
maintenance of law and order, the collection of taxes, and the enlist- 
ment of troops) of his own choosing. With his support, Moulay " Abd 
al-Hafiz, the brother of Sultan Mulay * Abd al-" Aziz (1894-1903) and 
his bitter enemy, manipulated the threads of a revolt that led to the 
sultan's deposition and, a year later, to the ascension of Moulay "Abd 
al-Hafiz to the throne. In reward, Madani served as minister of war 
(1907) and vizier (1909), from which he amassed more power and 
wealth in terms of money, land, and water rights. Sultan Moulay 
"Abd al-Hafiz was pressured by the French to break his relations with 
the Glawa, whose links with the resistant al-Hiba may have seemed 
disturbing and whose exactions on the populations had contributed to 
the rural revolts of 1911. Afterward, Madani and Thami reconciled 
with the French Protectorate, which quickly realized how difficult it 
would be to rule the mountain tribes who stood against the French 
without the assistance of Glawa. 

On Madani's death in 1918, his brother Thami took his succession 
and was appointed pasha of Marrakech, an office usually reserved for 
a member of the reigning dynasty, which propped him up to the high- 
est rank of state dignitaries. Ignoring the theoretical sovereignty of 
Sultan Moulay Youssef (1913-1927), al-Hajj Thami al-Glawi dedi- 
cated his time and life to the French cause. The French "policy of 
grand caids" allowed Thami, legitimately or not, to bring more land- 
holdings and more tribes under his domain, resulting in the control of 
about one-eighth of Morocco. In 1958, when his holdings were fi- 
nally sequestered, Thami al-Glawi owned 11,400 hectares of irri- 
gated land plus 660,000 olive trees in the Haouz of Marrakech alone, 
to say nothing of his other properties and investments in the Dar"a 
and Dades oases, Rabat, Casablanca, and Tanger. In the Haouz, the 
Glawa family had title to 16,000 irrigated hectares and title to 25,000 
hectares. They also had industrial investments of nearly two billion 
francs in 1956. The Glawa wealth was made possible by two major 
factors: the substitution of the Makhzan system of legitimate rural 
taxation around 1860-1870 by a heavier taxation system that bank- 
rupted the populace and later the protectorate policy established by 
General Louis-Hubert Lyautey that relied on Glawa and other grand 

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caids and notables to administer the south for the French. In both 
cases, the Glawa and the French focused on their interests and neg- 
lected the plight of those being oppressed (Pascon 1977, 299-300). 

Because of his position and role in the colonial project, Thami was 
the spokesman of the conservative elements, the big landed families 
or notables and a number of several religious lodges who saw in him 
the protector of their economic interests that they harvested from 
their alliance with the French regime. With such close allies as v Abd 
al-Hayy al-Kattani, the head of the influential Kattaniyya brother- 
hood and a sworn enemy of the Alawite dynasty, Thami stood against 
the nationalist currents fighting for independence. Determined to 
bring about the downfall of Sultan Mohamed V (1927-1961) and his 
alliance with the nationalists, Thami created an "Opposition and Re- 
form Movement of the Pashas and Caids," which was to act as the in- 
strument of the policy of force adopted by the Protectorate authori- 
ties. In May 1953, his movement submitted a petition to the French 
government requesting that the sultan be deposed and sent into exile. 
In his place, they proposed his more compliant uncle Mohamed Ibn 
v Arafa. This move outraged the nationalists and the populace. Instead 
of being forgotten, the exiled sultan became the symbol of the na- 
tion's struggle for independence. 

When Sultan Moulay Mohamed V returned from exile in 1955, 
Thami al-Glawi, who was dying of cancer, prostrated himself at his 
feet and swore allegiance. Three months later, at 83 years of age, he 
died, and all that has remained of the Glawa extravagance are the 
crumbling kasbahs of Telouet and the environs where once Glawa 
grand caids resided and from which they despotically and brutally 
ruled a vast territory. The family is now rehabilitated, although they 
are still subject to some restrictions imposed on their activities, and 
Telouet, the chef lieu of Glawa, remains somewhat off limits. 

G U N D A M . A relatively large cerde of the T imbuktu region bordering 
on the Mauritanian frontier. Its population of 20,000 is made up of Tu- 
areg and Maure nomads, Songhay farmers, and Bozo fishermen. Dur- 
ing the Songhay Empire, Goundam was a thriving town. It fell to the 
Moroccan invasion of 1591 and was later occupied by the Fulani and 
Tuareg. Many refugees from the drought have been settled as farmers 
along the shores of Lake Faguibine to the north of Goundam. 

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GOURMA-RHAROUS. A town located on the right bank of the 
Niger River, it has seven arrondissements. It is a cercle of the Tim- 
buktu region. It covers an area of 50,000 square kilometers and is 
situated in the eastern part of Timbuktu region. Since 1999, the cer- 
cle of Gourma-Rharous is composed of 37 villages and 147 settle- 
ments and has been divided into nine rural communes . Its population 
is about 100,000 and consists primarily of Tuareg and Maure no- 
mads and Songhay farmers. The chef lieu is Gourma-Rharous, 
which has a population of about 3,000. The cercle is suitable for 
grazing goats, sheep, and camels. A few cattle are also raised. Gossi, 
located in the center of Gourma, is a water hole used by Tuareg no- 
mads. In the late 1970s, refugees from the drought were settled in 
Gossi so they could farm and practice flood agriculture around the 
seasonal lake. 

GUANCHES. They were the native peoples of the C anary I slands be- 
fore the French, Portuguese, and Spanish conquerors reached the Ca- 
naries a few generations prior to the discovery of America. They were 
related to the Berbers of the adjacent mainland, spoke a variant of the 
Berber language, and retained their Neolithic culture. The Canary ar- 
chipelago is composed of seven islands, and it is only about 100 kilo- 
meters off the Moroccan Atlantic shore. Its latitude is tropical, and 
the climate is hot and relatively dry. Tenerife and Gran Canaria are 
the largest and highest islands and had the largest population densi- 
ties before the coming of the Europeans. 

Their ancestors had come to the Canaries from the African main- 
land over a period of many centuries, starting no earlier than the sec- 
ond millennium B.C. and the last arriving no later than the first cen- 
turies a.d. The Guanches were seafaring people. As Europe began its 
march to world hegemony in the 15th century, an estimated 80,000 
Guanches resisted the European initial sailing to the New World un- 
til the first quarter of the 16th century. By 1520, European military 
technology, combined with the devastating epidemics such as 
bubonic plague and pneumonia brought by the conquistadores and 
enslavement and deportation of natives , led to the extinction of the 
Guanches. Today, Guanche genes must survive among the inhabi- 
tants of the Canaries, the Iberian Peninsula, Africa, and the Ameri- 

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HAMMADIDS (1014-1152) • 55 

-H - 

HAFSIDS (1236-1574). A dynasty in Tunisia, eastern Algeria, and 
Libya named after its ancestor Abu Hafs v Umar (1090-1176), a 
leader of the Berber Hintata tribe in the H igh Atlas M OUntains and 

one of the first adepts of the Almohad doctrine. It was reinforced by 
his grandson Abu Zakariya (1228-1249), Almohad governor of Tu- 
nis, who a few years after his appointment declared his indepen- 
dence. It had a strong army and a smooth bureaucratic system and 
maintained a profitable trade with the Italian city-states. Under Sul- 
tan Ahmed (1542-1562), the Hafsid realm continued to shrink in the 
protracted warfare between Spain and the Ottoman Empire. After 
several Ottoman attempts, in 1574, the Ottoman army reconquered 
Tunis and put an end to Hamida's rule. Ottoman sovereignty over the 
central Maghrib from Oran eastward was established for three cen- 
turies—that is, until the arrival of the French in 1830. 

H A-M I M . His full name was Hamin Ibn Man Allah Ibn Hafid al-Muf- 
tari. He was a Berber prophet among the Ghommara tribe in the R if. 
He preached a new version of Islam with a Berber Qur'an and mod- 
ifications of the five pillars. His reformed Islamic practices consisted 
of two daily prayers, a weekly fast day, three to 10 days of fast dur- 
ing the month of Ramadan, almsgiving, and no pilgrimage. Eating 
fish and bird eggs was forbidden, as was eating animal heads, but eat- 
ing wild animals (except the boar) was permitted. Ha-mim started 
preaching in 925 and died in battle with Masmuda in 927-928 . 

HAMMADIDS (1014- 1152). A Sanhaja dynasty in present-day Alge- 
ria that had branched off from the Z irids of al-Qayrawan. Its founder, 
Hammad Ibn Buluggin, was put in charge by his nephew, the Zirid 
ruler al-Mansur, of the fortified town of Ashir and the western sec- 
tions of the Zirid realm. The Hammadid dynasty reached its zenith at 
the beginning of the 12th century under the rule of al-Nasir and al- 
Mansur. By 1017, the Hammadids had gained full independence from 
the Zirids. After taking control of Algiers, Miliana, Nigaus, Hamza, 
and Constantine, al-Nasir pushed eastward and established influence 
on the coast from Sfax over Susa to Tripoli and advanced southward 
far into the Sahara. He built Bougie and made it his second capital, 

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named after him, al-Nasiriya. Under his son al-Mansur, the Hamma- 
dids took control of Tlemcen, stopping the Almoravid advance 
(1103-1104). His son aKAziz (1104-1121) occupied Jerba and 
pushed the Arabs from the Hodna. Under Yahya (1122-1153), the 
Hammadids' power collapsed as Berber tribes, Norman invasions, 
and Banu Hilal Arabs challenged the weakened Hammadids. Finally, 
the Almohad army took Algiers and defeated Yahya's forces at the 
gates of Bijaia. Yahya surrendered in 1152 and died in exile in Sale 
in 1163. 


HIGH ATLAS MOUNTAINS. The Atlas Mountains are a series of 
mountain ranges that stretch from west to east across North Africa. 
They run for 1,931 kilometers from the Moroccan city of A gad ir in 
the southwest to the Tunisian capital of Tunis in the northeast. The 
two major parts of the Atlas Mountains are the northern and southern 
sections. The northern section is formed by the Tell Atlas, which re- 
ceives enough rainfall to bear fine forests. The southern section, 
which is subject to desert influences, is called the Saharan Atlas. To 
the west and east of these mountain ranges lie the High Atlas and the 
Aures Mountains, respectively. The highest point of the Atlas 
Mountains culminates in Morocco at Jbel Toubkal, which has an ele- 
vation of 4,165 meters and many other peaks above 3,000 meters. 

The High Atlas Mountains of Morocco, in turn, consist of eastern 
and western High Atlas regions. It is a highly complex region made 
up of different zones with variations, both in altitude and in annual 
precipitation. Precipitation is concentrated in the winter months, 
ranging from about 400 millimeters in the foothills to 800 millime- 
ters in the higher valleys. Much of the precipitation falls as snow be- 
tween October and March and can produce an important cover down 
to about 1 ,500 meters. The region is also subject to intense and short- 
duration rain during the summer that can be destructive. The High At- 
las is home to a diverse Berber population whose mixed economy is 
based on pastoral nomadism and agriculture. This population in- 
cludes several Berber confederations, such as the Ait Atta 
n'Oumalou, Ait Yaflman, Ait Saghrouchene, Bni Ouarain, sections of 
the Ait Oumalou, Rheraya, Ait Mghran, Ait Wawzwit, Glawa, 
Goundafa, and Mtuggua. The southern slopes of the High Atlas, 

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made of parts of the Anti- Atlas and the Sahara, constitute the land of 
the Ait Atta of the Sahara. Similar to the M iddle Atlas region, their 
livelihoods are derived from livestock production, intensive agricul- 
ture and arboriculture, and off-farm income generated by tourism 
and emigration revenues. See also AURES MOUNTAINS; 



1367/1369). He was a world traveler and author of a renowned travel 
account (al-rihla). His full name is Shams al-Dine Abu v Abd Allah 
Muhammad Ibn Yusuf al-Lawati al Tanji. The Lawata are a branch of 
the Zanata confederation. He was born in Tangier, where at the age 
of 20 he set out on the first of many world voyages. He undertook 
four times the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina and on these occa- 
sions visited Algeria, al-AndalllS Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Syria, 
Palestine, Anatolia, Iraq, Persia, and the Crimea. One of his trips took 
him to Constantinople, from where he proceeded into southern Rus- 
sia and then into India across Bukhara, Samarqand, and Afghanistan. 
He held the office of qadi (judge) in Delhi for about 10 years, then 
journeyed to Bengal, Sri Lanka, the East Indies and further on to 
China as far as Canton and returned to Arabia via Sumatra and 
Malaysia. His last trip took him deep into Africa, to Timbuktu, and 
across the Sahara as far as the Niger River. 

After about 26 years of exploration, he settled in his native coun- 
try of Morocco and had the account of his travels put into literary 
form by Ibn Juzzay, a secretary of the chancellery of the Marinid 
Sultan Abu ^Inan court in Fes. This account, Tuhfat al-Nuzzar fl 
Ghara'ibi al-Amsar wa 'A'jab al-Asfar (The Gift of Seeing Rare 
Sights and Wonders of Traveling), provides topographical descrip- 
tions, ethnographic details, and economic aspects of the places, peo- 
ples, and cultures Ibn Battuta encountered. In 1929, H. A. R. Gibb 
was the first to translate an English version of selected sections of Ibn 
Battuta's al- rlhla under the title "Ibn Battuta: Travels in Asia and 

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58 • IBN KHALDUN 'ABDAL-RAHMAN (1332-1406) 

A frica, 1325- 1354 ," then followed by the translation of the complete 
work in 1962. In 1990, Ross E. Dunn published a book about the life 
and times of Ibn Battuta, not a translation, titled The Adventures of 
Ibn Battuta: A Muslim Traveler of the 14th Century. Ibn Battuta is 
said to have traveled over land and sea to 44 modern countries, and 
in so doing he covered 120,700 kilometers, a remarkable achieve- 
ment for any medieval traveler. His travels represent the longest jour- 
ney overland before the invention of the steam engine. He died in 
1367 or 1369 in Fes. 

IBN KHALDUN ABDAL-RAHMAN (1332-1406). One of the most 
brilliant social thinkers ever produced in the Maghrib and also un- 
doubtedly one of the most famous figures from the M arinid period. 
His theories about society and political development have been of 
great value to contemporary concepts of philosophy of history and 
sociology. The complete title of Ibn Khaldun's monumental work is 
Kitabal-lbar wa Dlwan al-M ubtada' wa l-Kahbar fi Ayyam al-'Arab 
wa VAjam wa l-Barbar wa man Asharahum min Dhawi al-Sultan 
(Book of Advice and First Council and Information about the Days 
of the Arabs, the Non- Arabs, and the Berbers and Their Relations 
with the Greatest Sultans). The prolegomena to this work, al-muqad- 
dimah, provides a theoretical explanation for the historical rise and 
fall of empires that has been the primary reason for Ibn Khaldun's 
fame in the contemporary era. 

Considered to be the historian of the Berbers, Ibn Khaldun, in his 
H istory of the Berbers (translated into French by W. Mac. Guckin De 
Slane, "Histolre des Berberes," Alger, 1852-1856), stores a very 
comprehensive knowledge of Berber history and appears sympa- 
thetic to their aspirations. He divided Berbers into two great 
branches: al-Baranis (sedentary from the plural of Bernous) and 
Madghis al-Abtar or al-Botr (nomadic). Furthermore, he distin- 
guished three major groups among the Berbers — Masmuda. San- 
haja, and Zanata— and ascribed to each a separate genealogy lead- 
ing to a common ancestor. Although this dichotomy of Berber 
history, al-Baranis and al-Botr, is linked to Ibn Khaldun's rural-urban 
dichotomy, it is less valuable and has probably caused much confu- 
sion in Berber scholarship. His simplified classification, based in part 
on classic ideas, appears to be misguided in stating that Berbers were 
relatively new settlers from the east, specifically the Goliath folktale 

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IBNTUMART (1078/1098-1130) • 59 

of migration to the Maghrib after his defeat. From a modern anthro- 
pological perspective, not only is this folk history discredited, but so 
also is the notion that ethnic groups in a region such as the Maghrib 
can be neatly classified into sedentary or nomadic. Human adaptation 
in the Maghrib is far too complex for such a simple and static di- 
chotomy to explain. 

IBN TUMART (1078/1098- 1130). He was a religious reformer and the 
founder of the Almohad movement, which was at the core of one of 
the most powerful empires in the history of the Maghrib. Mohammed 
Ibn v Abd Allah Ibn Tumart was born in the Hargha tribe village of 
Ijilli N'Warghan, located in the southeast of Taroudant on the north 
side of the Anti- Atlas Mountains in the SOUS region. At an early age, 
he displayed a remarkable passion for religious studies. In his late 
twenties, he left to pursue religious studies and training in the east, or 
al-Mashriq. There he became familiar with currents in theology, ju- 
risprudence, and philosophy, especially the teachings of al-Ghazaali, 
while also gaining competence in the intricacies of the Arabic lan- 

Ibn Tumart developed a rigorous affirmation of the Islamic dogma 
of the unity of God (al-tawhid, hence the name of the muwahhidun, 
unitarians , or Almohads) . He preached the strictest puritan rules for 
the conduct of private and public life and a return to the study of the 
Qur'an and the hadith (practices and sayings of the Prophet) as the 
exclusive source of shari a law. Public morality required an austere 
and strict application of the canonic law. He called for a rigid segre- 
gation of both sexes and imposed the veiling of women. There was 
to be no music and no wine drinking, and prayer should be in jama 'a , 
or public. At a later stage, he declared himself to be the infallible 
imam, the God-guided leader and savior, the M ahdi . On his return to 
the Maghrib between 1110 and 1115, he wandered westward from 
town to town in the manner of an itinerant missionary preaching to 
simple people and to the learned in mosques and schools. Slowly ad- 
vancing from Alexandria through Tunis to Constantine and then to 
Bijaya, in some places he was reverently listened to and accepted by 
the religious and scholarly circles as of one of their own, and in oth- 
ers he was chased away and considered an undesirable agitator. How- 
ever, he gained the allegiance of a few followers who remained loyal 
disciples throughout his entire life, among them al-Baidhaq who 

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60 • IFRAN BANU (950-1055) 

became his biographer, and Abd al-M ll'min the first ruler of the 
Almohad dynasty. 

Ibn Tumart and his disciples continued preaching from Bijaya to 
Tlemcen, to Taza, and further on to Fes and finally Marrakech, the 
capital of the Almoravids. There their proselytizing activities gained 
them the reputation of political agitators. This led to their expulsion 
first from Fes and then from Marrakech, and then they withdrew to 
Aghmat, only to move on to Ibn Tumart's native land, seeking refuge 
with the Masmuda peoples of the High Atlas Mountains. Among 
the Masmuda, he found the support of the Hintata tribe leader, Faska 
Ou Mzal, named after one of the Prophet's disciples, Abu Hafs 
"Urnar, the ancestor of the Hafsid dynasty in Tunisia (1236-1575). In 
the Atlas, Ibn Tumart started to preach not only his rigorous version 
of Islam but also open revolt, or jihad, against the Almoravids. 

After several attacks by the Almoravids, Ibn Tumart moved his 
capital to an impenetrable location in the High Atlas, Tinmal. There 
he integrated the notion of the Mahdi leadership into a hierarchy of 
consultative assemblies in which an assembly of 10 notables focused 
on ideological matters, and a larger assembly was devoted to politi- 
cal and military organization among the tribes. Their first offensive 
against the Almoravids in Marrakech met with heavy losses, although 
the siege lasted about 30 or 40 days, and at last they had to retreat 
back into their mountains. Soon Ibn Tumart died and was buried in 
Tinmal. After his death, some historical versions say he had his com- 
panions swear allegiance to Abd al-Mu'min, whereas other inter- 
pretations of the account suggest he left no designated successor. By 
1 146, with the takeover of Marrakech, v Abd al Mu'min was in charge 
of the Almohad Empire. Although Ibn Tumart was an accomplished 
Arabist, his preaching was in Berber, and the first version of his book 
Kitab al-tawhid and also known as Kitab a ail ma yutlab, where he 
laid down the Almohad doctrine and practices, was also in Berber. 
Ibn Tumart's doctrine augmented the moral motivation for the Almo- 
had conquest of the Maghrib and al-Andalus. 

IFRAN BANU (950-1055). One of the tribes of the Zanata confeder- 
ation that, from their pasturelands in Tunisia, had migrated westward 
and at the time of the Arab invasions lived on the Algerian highlands 
of Tiaret and Tlemcen. Converted to Islam, they became adherents of 

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the Ibadithe version of the Kharijite heterodoxy, although gradually 
they turned to the orthodox Sunnite creed. In the middle of the eighth 
century, they established an Ibadithe theocracy with Agadir (today in 
ruins near Tlemcen) as the center. They were involved in bitter feuds 
with Maghrawa, the Umayyads of al-Andalus, and the Fatimids. 
By the end of the 10th century, the Banu Ifran were beaten by the 
Maghrawa and were dispersed throughout Morocco and Algeria. 

I FROUANE . A major caravan entrepot situated on a rich, sandy plain 
bordered on one side by an irregular seasonal wadi and irrigated gar- 
dens. On the other side, it is about 310 kilometers north of Agadez in 
Air, Niger. Beyond the wadi, the land rises sharply into the Tamgak 
Mountains, reaching a height of 2,000 meters. The oasis is a poste dd- 
ministratif, with a population of about 140,000 people. The oasis was 
hard hit by the droughts of the 1970s and 1980s and lost much of its 
tourism with the start of the Tuareg rebellion in Air in the 1990s. 

IG DAL E N. A Tuareg class; it refers to various maraboutic formations 
in Mali and Agadez. Niger. They form pious and religious groups at- 
tached to other clans. 

IGHRAM (plural IG HARM AN). This refers to a fortified village and 
is the elementary corporate unit of sociopolitical organization of most 
sedentary Berbers. It is called ksdr in Arabic. Each ighrdm is corpo- 
rate in maintaining rights over person and land. Territorial boundaries 
and kinship formations define the division of social order, space, 
community policy, and authority. The ighrdm is one of the oldest 
forms of rural housing. In response to concerns of dissidence and a 
traditional level of technology, the ighrdm was conceived as a defen- 
sive strategy to protect its residents and secure subsistence from agri- 
culture based on communal management of property and labor mo- 
bilization. The management of the ighrdm and its resources are 
governed by village councils, or jama a. See also AGADIR. 

IKLAN (singular AKLI). This term refers to all former black slaves 
and domestic serfs of traditional Tuareg society. The term ikldn 
means "to be black." Slaves belonged to their masters and constituted 
a valuable source of labor at the disposal of their masters. They 

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herded Tuareg livestock and cultivated land but could never acquire 
rights of ownership over these assets either legally or economically, 
as these rights were vested within the corporate body of the descent 
group (tawsit). Traditional forms of slavery were substantially under- 
mined by the intrusion of colonialism and postindependence legal 
systems that abolished slavery in its multifarious forms. 

They were also known as ismkhan (singular ismakh) in Morocco 
and thought to have originated from bilad al-Sildan. Slaves worked 
as domestics and shepherds. The slaves were integrated into house- 
holds and tents of the families they served and usually had personal 
ties with their masters. For this reason, a slave had a higher standing 
in the eyes of a Berber or an Arab than a H aratine. 

IKOFFAR. This term refers to "infidel" in Tamasheq. 

IMAJ EGHEN (singular AMAJ EGH). This term designates the no- 
ble, free, and warrior class of Tuareg society. Its meaning refers to 
their exclusive control over camels and specialized arms (i.e., 
tabouka — double-bladed sword) that enabled them to maintain them- 
selves as a warrior class, raiding and establishing domination over 
vassals in the vital oases and the trans-Saharan caravan routes of the 
Sahara Desert. 

I M E N I K AL E N (singular AM E N U K AL ). Tuareg title of suzerains of 
Tuareg confederations and of territories. It usually refers to the chiefs 
of the large Tuareg confederations. See also JAMA^A. 

I M G H A D (si ngu lar A M A G H I D ) . This designated the second-ranking 
noble clan of free men and warriors in traditional Tuareg society, 
ranking after the Imajeghen nobility. 

I M L WAN (singular I M LW I ). They are known as Rguagua in Moroc- 
can Arabic. Most of them are also landless. The only difference be- 
tween them and Haratine is the fact that they speak Tamazight. or 
Berber. Rguagua are newcomers to the upper Ziz Oasis of south- 
central Morocco. Because of recurrent droughts, they migrated to 
the upper Ziz communities or were brought by Berbers to cultivate 
and work land. They trace their history to the fringes of the Ziz Oa- 

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IN GALL • 63 

sis, occupying the area of Alnif and Msisi between Rissani and 
Zagora, or Reg, and hence their name. They are known to have prac- 
ticed Henna cultivation. 


INCHA, EL MOCTAR. Traditional Tuareg governor of A gad ez. He 

was arrested by the armed forces of the government of Niger in 1992 
for suspected links to the Tuareg rebellion. 

I NE Dl N (singular E NE D). They form an endogamous blacksmith/arti- 
san group found in all Tuareg groups. The term ened refers to jeweler, 
blacksmith, engraver, and woodworker and at the same time healer, 
singer, musician, and general consultant on matters concerning belief 
practices and ceremonial rituals. While they are admired for their 
skills and expertise, they are looked down on because of their uncer- 
tain and obscure origin and skin color. The development of tourism 
and its demand for traditional jewelry, however, has provided a far 
more lucrative niche than among the impoverished Tuareg nomads. 

I NE SL E M E N (singular ANE SL EM). These are marabouts from the re- 
ligious class that became established among various Tuareg groups af- 
ter the advent of Sunni Islam. Their political position varies among Tu- 
areg groups. In Air, they have the same position as the vassals, while 
among other groups they have the same status as noble Tuareg. Inesle- 
men officiate certain ceremonies, such as marriages and naming cere- 
monies. They also act as mediators, arbiters, and advisers in civil and 
tribal disputes and the interpretation of Islamic practices and scrip- 
ture—the Hadith and the Qur'an. Outside the Tuareg areas, they are 
also known as Igurramn (singular Agurram) or saints who have 
founded religious orders (zawiyas) and fathered the lineages associated 
with them. Igurramn are somewhat like hereditary saints. They are en- 
dowed with special status as they are recipients of the divine blessing 
(baraka) to mediate among people and between people and God. 

IN GAL L . An oasis situated in southwestern Air at an altitude of 470 
meters. It is 124 kilometers from Agadez, the capital of Air. 
Historically, it occupied a secondary caravan stop on the east-west 

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route. Its claim to historical fame resides in the participation of local 
populations in the rebellion of Kaoucen against the French in 1916. 
The 1916 rebels were later brutally crushed by the French, and hun- 
dreds of notables were executed following the return of the French to 
Air. In 1969, at the height of the Sahel drought, the population stood 
at 20,000, of which 12,000 were nomadic. The original population 
consisted of 3,596 Kel Ahaggar, 2,417 Fulani, 1,677 Kel Fadey, 
1,600 Kunta, and 1,032 Igdalen. The community itself numbers 
2,000 people, but the large majority is employed in the salt pits of 
Teguidda n'Tesemt. 


facilitate the work of native affairs officers, the French colonial ad- 
ministration founded this higher-education institution in 1913 in Ra- 
bat to train French and Moroccan teachers and colonial administra- 
tors and interpreters in the languages and cultures of Morocco. The 
institute also sponsored research on Moroccan society and published 
several scholarly journals of which H esperis is the most highly re- 
garded. Arabic and Berber languages dominated the curriculum, and 
attention was also paid to Islamic studies, ethnology, archaeology, 
and geography. This colonial institution was formerly known as the 
Ecole Superieure de langue arabe et de dialectes berberes, and M. 
Nehli, a linguist, was named its first professor. See dlso COMITE 

IREGENATEN (singular AREGENAT). This is a name applied to a 
particular class among the Northern Tuareg descending from mixed 
unions between noble Tuareg women and Arabs and noble Tuareg 
men and vassal women. 

I SAN DAL E N (singular A SAN DAL ). Members of the second wave of 
Tuareg groups to settle in Niger's Air in the 11th century. Originally 
from the Gulf of Sidra oasis of Augila, they were forced southward 
by the pressure of the Arab Bani Hilal and other competing groups in 
Tripolitania and Fezzan. They founded Air's old city Assode. Later, 
they joined forces with the Tuareg Itesen and established the sul- 
tanate of Agadez in the 15th century. The Isandalen have since van- 
ished, but a few Tuareg Itesen live in the Madaoua region. 

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ISLAM • 65 

ISEKKEMAREN (singular ASEKKEMAR). A class found among 
the Northern Tuareg, it refers to Tuareg descending from mixed mar- 
riages between Arab men and Tuareg women. They are vassals who 
have a somewhat different status from that of true vassals. See also 

ISHERIFEN (singular ISHERIF). They are also known as Shorfa. 
This religious group should not be confused with the Ineslemen, al- 
though the two terms are used almost synonymously in North African 
literature. The Isherifen claim direct descent from the Prophet, or ahl 


I SLAM . This Arabic word means "submission to God," and it refers to 
submission to the will of God (Allah in Arabic). Whoever submits is 
called Muslim. These words occur in the holy book of Muslims, the 
Qur'an. The Qur'an is the word of God revealed to the Prophet 
Muhammad (570-632) in Mecca, beginning in 610 by the angel 
Gabriel. Before the Muslim conquest, the religion of the Berbers ap- 
pears to have been composed of three major practices: local cults and 
veneration of a whole host of natural objects, Judaism, and Chris- 
tianity. Although there is no precise information as to how the 
Berbers accepted Islam, it is believed that they seceded 12 times and 
finally accepted Islam only in the 12th century. In spite of their con- 
version to Islam, they have retained numerous pre-Islamic and pagan 
practices, some of which have been adapted to Islam. These sur- 
vivals are evident in the agricultural rites and festivals, which in- 
clude, for instance, harvest and rain rituals (taghanja), lighting bon- 
fires (/'a/isart), and the importance of saint or the zawiya -minded 

At the beginning of the conquest, the converted Berbers practiced 
the orthodox doctrine, but they soon professed a puritan form of Is- 
lam called Kharij ism, which emphasized equality and justice among 
Muslims. In the 11th and 12th centuries, the strict Sunni Almoravid 
and Almohad rulers put an end to the remaining Christian or Shiite 
communities, with the exception of a few Kharijite communities that 
found refuge in the mountains, desert, or seaside. Among revolts 
against orthodox Islam, two attempts must be noted that sought to es- 
tablish a new religion in Morocco: the revolt of Ha-mim in the R if 

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66 • IZEGGAGHEN (singular AZEGGAGH) 

in the 10th century and that of Salih Ben Tarif of Barghwata along 
the Atlantic coast. See also AL-KAHINA; KUSAYLA IBN 

IZEGGAGHEN (singular AZEGGAGH). Tuareg term that refers to 
dark-skinned agriculturalist known to Arabs as Haratine (singular 
Hartani). In late nineteenth century, Haratine migrated from the 
Tidikelt oases and settled around the water points in the major valleys 
of the Ahaggar country to cultivate the more fertile land for the Tu- 
areg nobility. In the Ghat oasis, they are known as Ikewweren. The 
position of the Haratine was that of a dependent client. He worked the 
land on a contract basis and was entitled to one-fifth of the harvest. 
While technically a free man, the condition of the Haratine, or khom- 
VCidS as he was called, could not escape the trappings of poverty as a 
result of demands made on him by the noble classes until the last 
decades of French colonialism and the development of the Sahara 
provided him with the opportunity to join the emerging wage labor 
market. Haratine are found in Algeria, Mauritania, and Morocco. 

The etymology of the term "Haratine" expresses many things. It 
has evolved through time from the root of the Arabic verb hdrdthd, 
"to plant." It is possible that conquering tribes referred to certain 
agricultural people as hdrrdthin, "cultivators of land." This link with 
agriculture suggests in turn a connection with the ancient inhabitants 
of the Saharan oases. Another possible meaning may be shown by 
breaking down the term Haratine into two components: nor and 
thdni. These two separate words denote a second free people, as op- 
posed to the freeborn: Arab Ahrars and commoners. 

In Tamazight (Berber), however, the black population is referred 
to as iqbliyn (singular dqbliy), referring to the people of the east or 
the inhabitants of the southeastern oases. This term could have been 
coined during the invasion of the nomadic Berbers of the sedentary 
communities, which were composed of Haratine and Arab common- 
ers in the 17th and 18th centuries. Iqbliyn are, in turn, divided into 
iqbliyn imalalan, or "white easterners," who own land, and iqbliy un- 
gdln, or "black easterners," who have no access to land and are thus 
subject to subordination by Berbers and Holy Arabs. Iqbliyn 
imdldldn, also called qbdld, are of Arab descent, such as the Bni 
Hsin, who populate a few ksdrs around the Rich area, and the Ahrars. 

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JAMA'A • 67 

In Berber, the term ahardan , which is closer to "Haratine," refers to 
a person with a dark-skinned complexion. The term "Haratine" 
does not exist in Arabic, suggesting an Arabization of this Berber 
term from its original from of dhdrddn to the locally Arabized ver- 
sion of "Hartani." Outside Tafilalet, the Haratine are referred to as 
draw a, "natives of the Dra'a Oasis," an oasis to the west of the Ziz 
Oasis, or azzi (pi. 'awazza Bambara), in reference to the Bambara 
people of sub-Saharan Africa. In the Sous region, they are called Is- 

Haratine are generally treated as an inferior social group and were 
constrained to remain at the bottom of the social hierarchy by Berbers 
and Arabs who denied them access to landownership. However, 
Haratine have in recent years, particularly over the past four decades, 
remitted significant funds from overseas and national migration and 
have begun to buy land and enter politics on a large scale. 


J A M A " A . This Arabic term refers to the assembly of notables of a tribe 
or a tribal section that in Berber society acts as a legislative, execu- 
tive, and judicial entity. In some places, it goes by the name of taq- 
bilt, the term being the Tamazight form of the Arabic word qabila: 
tribe and/or confederation referring to a political unit based usually 
on a segmentary lineage framework. It applies the abrid or qanoun, 
which are embodied in the corpus of customary law, called azerf. 
This legal code is oral as well as written. A select group of elders who 
retain the code in memory are known as ait al-haqq (men of truth) 
and serve as final arbiters in determining the rules of the code. Two 
mechanisms were (and still are in some places) critical for the main- 
tenance of azerf: diya, or blood money, and tagallit, or collective 
oath. The practice of community consensus through jama a indicates 
that Berber society is relatively democratic, though only elder men 
generally participated. Women, young men, and outsiders (as well as 
slaves and Haratine in the past) were excluded. 

Each jama'a has a paramount village or tribal leader, called 
amghar, who is elected (and most often appointed) annually with ro- 
tation of candidates from each lineage of the community in order to 

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68 • JAMA'A 

ensure the diffusion of authority. In addition to the paramount annual 
amghar, or supreme tribal leader (also called amghar n'uffalla), lead- 
ers were designated for specific tasks such as war (amghar al-ba- 
rood), irrigation management (amghar n'waman or n-truguine), palm 
grove guard (amghar n'tmazirt), grazing movements (amghar n'- 
tugha or n'irrahhalen), collective lands (amghar n'iguldan), and 
market (amghar n'SSUq). Postcolonial administrative reforms have to 
a large extent undermined the traditional workings of the jama a. 

Among the Ait Atta of Morocco, the internal and political affairs 
of sedentary communities were (and some still are) administered by 
the local agnatic lineage-based council called taqbilt or ajmu" . Each 
lineage or ethnic group occupied a certain part or street of the village. 
The ajmu" was composed of id-bab n-imuran, or lineage representa- 
tives, headed by the amghar n-tmazirt, the country or land chief. The 
amghar was elected or appointed every year from a different lineage. 
For instance, in Zaouiat Amelkis, the Ait Khabbash subtribe was di- 
vided into six lineages, or SWadlS: Ait "Arnar, Ait Burk, Ait Taghla, 
Ilhiane, Irjdaln, and Izulayn. These six lineages made the taqbilt or 
ajmu' of the community. Each year, after the wheat harvest, they 
gathered to appoint the annual amghar, or chief of the community. 
The office of the chief rotated among the lineages. Once all the line- 
age representatives (as well as the fqih (imam) of the mosque to bless 
the gathering with benediction) were assembled in the ajmu "'s ahanu, 
or room, the selection started. The candidates from the incoming lin- 
eage sat on a red carpet and waited while the electors from the other 
lineages went outside to discuss their choice of the individual to be 
elected. Once the electors had made their decisions, they came back, 
walked in a circle around the candidates, and reported their decision 
to the fqih , and finally the fqih put his finger on the head of the per- 
son who was about to assume leadership. 

The newly selected chief sat down and usually cried and prayed to 
God to help him do justice, to do no harm, or to not falsely accuse 
any member of the community. His predecessor then walked forward 
to him and put a branch of alfalfa in his turban to confirm his chief- 
tainship and to symbolize the hope for a bountiful harvest during his 
tenure. The fqih gave the new chief some milk and dates for his in- 
auguration, but, while the chief is drinking his milk, the fqih would 
jerk the bowl of milk so that it spilled on the chief's robe. This act 

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JERBA • 69 

implied the new chief's imperfection in office and the frailty of his 
power and stressed the fact that he was no better than anyone else in 
the community. 

The main deliberations of the ajmu's representatives of the ag- 
natic lineage groups of the subtribe centered on the communal man- 
agement of the village cultural and economic life. The a/mu's con- 
cerns centered on the following themes critical to the welfare of the 
community and palm grove: to select the amghar of the year; to set- 
tle divisions of water and land; to organize harkas, or war parties; to 
administer any issue dealing with the lands and trees of the hdbous; 
to establish the distribution of the 'ushur, or religious tithe and the 
share of the fqih of the mosque; to enforce order, fines and banish- 
ments; and to establish rules for sharing the costs of the guests of 
the community. See also AURES; IGHRAM; IMENIKALEN; 

(1465-1470). He was a member of the Jazula tribe of the Sanhaja 
confederation in the western portion of the Anti- Atlas Mountains. He 
was a highly reputed religious scholar and founder of a school of 
mystical thought that gave rise to a great number of widely branched- 
out religious brotherhoods. He was a follower of the teaching of the 
mystic al-Shadhili (1175-1250). After religious training in Fes, 
Azemmour, and Tit and pilgrimage to Mecca, he settled in Safi, 
where his fame as a scholar and holy man made him the center of a 
varied multitude of reverent disciples. Only a few of his works have 
been preserved. The most popular among them, the D aid '11 al 
khayrat (The Guide to Good Works), is a collection of prayers for the 
Prophet. Al-Jazuli himself did not establish a specific community, but 
his prominent followers set up Jazuliya all over the Maghrib, known 
by their founders' names and more or less differing in their ritual 
practices and structure. A few of them are still in existence, as in the 
'Issawa, the Yusufiya, the Sharqawiya, the Shaykhiya, the Nasiriyya, 
and the Taybiyya . 

J E R B A . This is an island located off the southeastern Tunisian coast in 
the Gulf of Gabes. It has a population of 110,000, and its area is 510 
square kilometers. Some historical sources have identified it with the 

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land of the lotus eaters in Homer's dyssey. Its settlement dates back 
to the Phoenician and Roman periods. Jerba's isolated location made 
it an ideal refuge for Khariji Berbers as well as Jews. Political and 
social discrimination against Berbers by the Umayyad dynasty 
(661-750) and to a lesser degree by their successors, the Abbasid dy- 
nasty (758-1258), prompted revolts inspired by Khariji ideology as 
early as the 740s. The last Khariji rebellion occurred in the 11th cen- 
tury against the Zirids 

Jerba's economy, which had been historically based on agriculture 
and fishing activities, has, after independence in 1956, given way to 
tourism. Light industries produce pottery, jewelry, and cloth. The 
largest city is Houmt-Souq, with a population of about 25,000, and it 
is also home to the Jewish and Christian communities. The second- 
largest city is El May, with 15 ,000 people. Ajim, with 5 ,000 residents 
on the southern coast, is the main port city. 

Although the population of the island is mainly Sunni Muslim, 
there still exists a Khariji community in the village of Guellala. De- 
spite subsequent centuries of Berber and Arab coexistence, Berber 
language and culture have persisted in Tunisia. Actually, the first eth- 
nolinguistic evidence of the Berbers is associated with C apsian cul- 
ture, found in modern Tunisia. Estimates of the Tunisia's Berber pop- 
ulation are around 250,000, although this number is highly suspect 
because of the state's continuous political and social discrimination 
against Berbers. Most Berbers in Tunisia live in Jerba, Matmata, and 
east of Gafsa, Tataouine, and Tozeur. See also KHARIJISM. 

lamic studies scholar, and former high school history teacher, Jouhadi 
was born in Casablanca, Morocco. He is a member of the Ait Ba'am- 
ran tribe in southwestern Morocco. As a youth, he attended Islamic 
seminaries in his native land, where he learned the art of Qur'an qi- 
fd'dt, or interpretations, and was exposed to the sciences of Islamic 
studies. Afterward, he earned bachelor's degree in history. 

He published several articles on the history of SOUS and con- 
tributed entries to the Malamat al-Maghrib (Encyclopedia of Mo- 
rocco). He also hosted a radio show on religious affairs in Berber. His 
works include Tagharast n Ureqqas n Rebbi (The Path of Allah's 
Messenger, the Prophet of Islam, Mohammed, 1995), a collection of 

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Berber poems titled Timatarin (Symbols, 1997), and tarjamatma a/1/ 
al Qur'an bi-llugha al-amazighiya (Translation of the Meanings of 
the Qur'an in the Tamazight Language, 2003). Jouhadi writes Berber 
in Arabic script, a tradition that harks back to the times of Barghwata 
and IbnTumart. 

J UDEO -BERBERS. Jews in North Africa predate the arrival of Arabs 
and Islam. Jewish communities played prominent economic and po- 
litical roles throughout the history of North Africa. One of the best- 
known resistants to the Arab conquest in the seventh century was al- 
Kahina, who was the chief of a Judeo-Berber tribe, the Jerawa. After 
the Arab invasion, Jewish communities existed within Berber states 
and maintained relations with fellow Jews throughout North Africa 
and Spain. There was also an important Jewish cultural and commer- 
cial presence in cities such as Bijaia, J erba, Sijilmassa. Tafilalet. 
Tahart, and Tlemcetl. In the Draa valley of southern Morocco, oral 
accounts suggest that in the pre-Islamic period and until 10th century 
a.d., Jewish Berber groups formed significant states in the region. 
Other accounts suggest that the Jewish presence in the Draa valley 
may date to emigration caused by Nebuchadrezzar IPs invasion of 
Palestine in 587 B.C. Based on this interpretation of history, Jews 
would have settled in the M iddle Atlas starting around 361 B.C. 

In Morocco, until the middle of the 20th century, there were many 
Berber- speaking Jewish communities, and Berber was not only spo- 
ken but also written in a Hebraic script. Judeo-Berber was used in 
biblical translations and everyday life rituals, and it was the language 
of instruction and culture in many communities, such as Tiznit, 
Ouarzazat, Ufran, Illigh, and Demnat. After World War II, almost all 
the Berber- speaking Jewish communities either left to major urban 
centers or emigrated to Israel, France, and North America. 


KABYLES. The word "Kabyles" is derived from the Arabic word qa- 
bila (plural qaba'il) for "tribes." It is used in European languages for 
the Berber groups stemming from the ancient Sanhaja stock. The 
Kabyles inhabit the northern Algerian mountain region extending 

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from about Algiers, or the Mtitja plain, eastward to the Oued al- 
Kabir. It is divided by the Soummam River valley into a western sec- 
tion, called Greater Kabylia, or Kabylia of the Jbal Jurjura, with the 
capital town of Tizi OUZOU, and an eastern section, called Lesser 
Kabylia, or Kabylia of the Jbal Babor. By extension, the name of the 
largest group in the Jurjura, the Zwawa (Zouaoua in French), is often 
applied to the entire Kabyle population. 

At the start of the 10th century, from the midst of the Kutama tribe 
in the Lesser Kabylia emerged the Fatimid dynasty. However, for the 
following four centuries or so, the Kabyle people seem to have re- 
mained withdrawn in the seclusion of their mountains, untouched by 
the stormy history of Ottoman and European competition. At the 
time, the population appears grouped in three "states": the sultanate 
of Kuko (a village of the Ait Yahya) in the Jurjura, extending down 
to the coast with the small port of Azzefun; the sultanate of Labes 
(Banu Abbas) in the Lesser Kabylia, founded by marabouts, with 
QaPat Banu "Abbas as the seat of the strong clan of the Banu 
Muqrani; and the principality of the Banu "Abd al-Jabbar on the 
coastal area east of Bijaya (as well as the Zwawa confederation). 
They were all drawn into the struggle between Spain and the Ot- 
toman Empire for supremacy in this part of the Mediterranean, which 
ended in the demise of the Hafsid dynasty in 1575 and the establish- 
ment of the Turkish regency in Algiers. 

The occupation by France of Algiers in 1830 and of strategic 
points on the coast, soon followed by the withdrawal of the Turks 
from Algeria, opened new chapter in Kabyle history. In general, the 
Kabyles refused to become a party to the long-drawn-out combat be- 
tween the French and Emir v Abd al-Qadir, suspecting both of designs 
running counter to that particularism that they felt to be the essence 
of their social and moral foundations. In 1871, on the defeat of 
France by Germany, a new revolt, instigated by the Muqrani clan, 
rapidly spread throughout the Soummam Valley and, under the call to 
jihad by Sheikh Mohammad Amzian Ibn al-Haddad, stirred the entire 
Kabylia country into violent resistance. The revolt was repressed af- 
ter fierce fighting, and the French imposed draconian measures, such 
as the imposition of heavy contributions, the confiscation of large 
tracts of landed property that was distributed to French settlers, and 
the abolition of the autonomy of the villages, which were placed un- 
der French military control. 

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During the pacification stages, village self-governance was 
reestablished, confiscated land was repurchased, and new rural 
schools offered a few the road to higher education. Thus there 
emerged in the mid-20th century a generation of teachers whose 
modest review, La Voix des Humbles, opened a space for the most 
varied philosophic and intellectual currents. Soon also institutes and 
universities in Algeria and France trained a Kabyle intellectual elite 
at home as much in its native mountains as in the world of French let- 
ters and the professions: the writer and literary critic Jean Am- 
rouche; the poet and writer Mouloud Feraoun; the writer Yacine 
Kateb; the lawyers Ahmed Bumanjel, Hashim Sharif, and "Abd al- 
Rahman Fares; and the physicians Dr. Charqawi Mustapha and Dr. 
Mohammad Lamine Dabbaghin, all of whom sooner or later joined 
the ranks of the Algerian Revolution. Kabyle, too, were some of the 
revolutionary leaders, such as Alt H ammouda Amirouche, "Omar 
Amran, Abbane Ramdane, Belkacem Krim, and Hocine Ait 
Ahmed. It was in the Kabyle Mountains and during the Soummam 
Valley Congress in 1956 that the foundation was laid down for the 
military and political structure of the revolution and, after the war, the 
organization of the Algerian Republic . 

Historically, the Kabyles are peasants and more particularly culti- 
vators of fruit trees, mainly figs and olives. They dwell in moderate- 
sized villages (thddddrt), and they are organized into democratic 
communities where authority resides in the hands of the village as- 
sembly called thdjmd t. Kabyle land has poor and stony soil, limiting 
the productivity of crops and trees, making most of the peasantry de- 
pendent on remittances from their members working abroad, where 
they constitute the majority of the Algerian labor force in France, 
Belgium, and Germany. See also RAHMANIYA. 

KAH I NA AL -. This is the surname of the legendary Berber prophetess 
(female of dl-kdhin, "the seer") of the apparently Judaized tribe of 
Jerawa, a Zanata branch in the Aures in northern Algeria. She is also 
known by the name of Dahiyya. She distinguished herself in assum- 
ing the leadership in the Berber resistance against the Arabs who un- 
der Hassan Ibn Nu'man al Ghassani, the Umayyad governor of al- 
Qayrawan, had forced the Byzantines out of Carthage in 698. 
Al-Kahina laid all the land waste before the advancing Arabs, in- 
flicted on them a heavy defeat, and pushed them back beyond the 

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borders of present-day Tunisia and Libya. A few years later, however, 
the Umayyad caliph v Abd al-Malik reinforced the Arabs troops, and 
the Berbers were decisively beaten near the old Roman port town of 
Tabarqa. Al-Kahina was pursued into the mountains and was killed in 
702 in combat near a well still today called Bir al-Kahina (the well of 


chief, or amenukal, of the Ikzkazan clan who led a historic Tuareg 
revolt against the French in 1916, also called the Kaoucen revolt. It 
refers to the rebellion of the Tuareg in northern Niger, a rebellion 
sparked by the call to jihad declared by the Grand Sanusi of Kufra oa- 
sis (Fezzan) in 1914. Born to the Ghat clan of the Oraghen of Darner - 
gou in 1882, Kaoucen witnessed many defeats of his people at the 
hands of the French armed forces, and he was a follower of the 
Sanusiyya order, which called for a jihad against infidel occupation 
of Muslim lands. He was an ardent follower and preacher of the or- 
der and took part in many anti-French jihads in Borkou-Ennedi- 
Tibesti in Chad in 1909 and Ain Gallaka. 

In 1910, Kaoucen was given command of the defense of Ennedi by 
the Grand Sanusi. He was defeated in Ennedi and was forced by the 
French to Darfur (Sudan), only to return in 1913 to Ouninaga Kabir 
(Chad) and Fezzan to continue his assaults on the French. In 1916, he 
led an attack and siege of Agadez. Accompanied by a thousand holy 
warriors using guns and a cannon stripped from the Italians in Libya, 
Kaoucen maintained the siege of the French garrison until reinforce- 
ments from Zinder finally lifted it. Forced by the French into Tibesti 
and Fezzan, he was captured by the Alifa of Zeila and hanged in Mar- 
zouk on 5 January 1919. 

KATEB, YACINE (1929-1989). Kateb Yacine was born in Constan- 
tine on 6 August 1929 and died in Grenoble, France, in 1989. He was 
born to the maraboutic tribe of Kbeltiya, an Arabized Berber tribe in 
eastern Algeria. He was a novelist, poet, and playwright. He was one 
of Algeria's most renowned francophone writers. In 1945, he was ex- 
pelled from school after taking part in the Setif uprising. He worked 
as a journalist for A Iger R epublicain, a communist daily. In 1951, he 

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left for France and worked as an unskilled laborer. During the war of 
independence, he stayed away from Algeria. 

Prominent among his groundbreaking literary works stands the 
novel N edjma (Star), which was published in 1956. Written in French 
and translated into several languages, Nedjmd is concerned with the 
relentless search for and expression of personal and national identity. 
It is a great work of literature that combines history, autobiography, 
and poetry. In 1966, he published L e polygone etoile, in which he lays 
out his disillusionment with the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) 
and independence. He also wrote a collection of poems, Soliloques 
(1946), and published a number of plays, such as Le Cddavre encer- 
cie, La poudre d' intelligence, Les ancetres redoublent de ferocite,Le 
cercle des represailles (1959), Mohammad prends ta valise (1971), 
La voix des femmes and L'homme aux sandales de caoutchouc 
(1970), and La guerre de 2000 ans (1975). 

Although he was accused of supporting the postcolonial authori- 
tarian military junta, Kateb was also very critical of the violent way 
in which Algerian authorities dealt with the October 1988 riots. He 
opposed the rise of Islamist politics and decried its consequences for 
women. He also supported the Berber cause and considered Berber 
culture as one of the defining elements of Algerian culture and per- 
sonality. Kateb Yacine viewed Algeria as a pluralist society and could 
not reconcile himself to independent Algeria or French Algeria. In 
1987, he was awarded the Grand Prix national francais des lettres. 

KEL . This term means "people of in Tamasheq. It is a prefix to Tu- 
areg clans making up a confederation. 

KEL ADRAR. Tuareg groups situated in the mountains of Adrar n'l- 
foras to the southwest of Ahaggar. 

KELAHAGGAR. Confederation of Tuareg groups found in the Ahag- 
gar massif; the mountains of Atakor, Immidir, and Tefedest; and the 
surrounding lowlands of southern Algeria. Certain tribes of the Kel 
Ahaggar make the plains of Tamesna their home, between the mas- 
sifs of Air and Adrar-n-Iforas, particularly In Abangerit and 
Teguidda-n-Tesemt, Niger. The Kel Ahaggar and K el A j j er are usually 

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76 • kelaTr 

referred to as the Northern Tuareg, while the remaining groups com- 
prise the Southern Tuareg. 

K E L A I R . Niger Tuareg groups located in the mountain massif of Air 
and the plains to the west and southwest of Air. 

K E L AJ J E R . Tuareg groups found in the mountains of the Tassili-n- 
Ajjer to the northeast of Ahaggar in the eastern Algerian Sahara. They 
extend into Libya and northward into Tripolitania and the Great 
Eastern Erg around Ghadames. The Kel Ahaggar and Kel Ajjer are 
usually referred to as the Northern Tuareg, while the remaining 
groups comprise the Southern Tuareg. 

KEL ASOUF. This refers to the Islamic belief in djins (demons), 
known as "people who live alone," "people who talk to no one," 
"people of the night," "people of empty places," or "people of the 
earth." The Kel Asouf are particularly active during the hours of 
darkness and in and around empty places, fireplaces, trees, caves, 
slaughter places, and water holes. They are believed by the Tuareg to 
have human qualities. They are essentially wicked human beings, and 
many of the daily mishaps are attributed to them. The Tuareg main- 
tain that most illnesses are caused by the Kel Asouf entering the body, 
which can cause death to both humans and animals. Protection 
against the Kel Asouf involves the practice of a series of taboos im- 
bued with bdrdkd and the use of aromatic herbs to drive the mischie- 
vous Kel Asouf away. 


groups located in the plains around Meneka and along the Niger River. 


groups found in the plains around Tawa. At the end of the rainy sea- 
son, they migrate north to I n G all in the country of Kel Air. 

KEL G R E SS. Tuareg groups situated south of the Kel Air in the plains 
around Tessawa. In late summer, they migrate northward to water 
points in southern Air, Niger. 

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KHAIR-EDDINE MOMAMMED (1941-1995) • 77 

KEL TADEMAKET. Tuareg units forming various tribes found 
around Timbuktu and Lake Faguibine, Mali. The Tengerregif and 
Kel Inteser are important units among these groups. 

KE NZA. She was an Awraba woman and is said to have been the con- 
cubine of Idris I and mother of Idris II. Idris I, with his full name Idris 
Ibn Abdullah, was the founder of the first Arab dynasty in Morocco, 
descended from al-Hassan, son of Ali, the fourth caliph and the 
Prophet's cousin and husband of his daughter Fatima Ezzahra. Idris, 
implicated in a revolt (785) in Medina against the "Abbasid caliph, 
escaped to North Africa and came into the territory of the Berber con- 
federation of the Awraba, mainly agriculturalists and living around 
the town of Oualili (Volubilis), in the fertile Zarhoun hills. There Idris 
started preaching the message of Islam in a version close to moder- 
ate Shiism among the Awraba and the surrounding tribes. Most of the 
tribes were adherents of beliefs related to Christianity, Judaism, or 
some sort of paganism. According to Ibn Khaldun in his Kitdb al- 
Tbar, the Awraba initially resisted Muslim troops in the A ures region 
under the leadership of a Christian chief named Kusayla Ibn 
Lemten, who was defeated and killed in 682. The Awraba migrated 
west, and it was they who gave protection to Idris I but later were per- 
secuted by Idris II. Today, the only remaining Awraba tribes — the La- 
jaya, Mazyata, and Raghiwa— are found to the north of the town of 
Moulay Driss Zarhoun. See also AL-KAHINA. 

KHAIR-EDDINE MOHAMMED (1941-1995). He was born in 
Tafraout in the SOUS region and grew up in Casablanca. Despite his 
urban upbringing, he remained attached to Sous and its Berber way 
of life. He is best known for his novel Agadir, in which he uses icon- 
oclastic language and explosive images to describe the effects of the 
1960 earthquake on the city. In his novels, he mastered the art and po- 
etry of what he called the guerilla linguistique. Using this approach, 
he scathingly criticized the ways in which the Moroccan political es- 
tablishment controlled society. His political positions angered the au- 
thorities, and as a result he chose exile in France between 1965 and 
1979. In exile, his work appeared in Parisian literary magazines such 
as Les Lettres Nouvelles, Les Temps modernes, and Presence 

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His major literary works are Agadir (1967), Corps negatif and 
Histoire d'un Bon Dieu (1968), Moi, I'aigre (1970), Le deterreur 
(1973), U ne odeur de mantheque (1976), and Une vie, un reve, un pe- 
uple tOUJOUrs errant (1978). His poetry collection includes So/e/7 
arachide (1968), CeMaroc! (191 5), Resurrect! on desfleurssauvages 
(198l),Legendeetvied'AgounChich (1984), and Memorial (1992). 
He died in November 1995. 

KHARIJ ISM . A Muslim sect popular among Berbers in the first cen- 
turies of the Arab conquest of North Africa. It is a religious move- 
ment rooted in the conflict between v Ali Ibn Talib (the fourth caliph) 
and Mu'awiyya when, based on a dispute over succession to the 
caliphate, v Ali agreed to arbitration with Mu'awiyya in the battle of 
Siffin (657) and a number of his followers left (kharaja or those who 
seceded) in protest over his agreeing to submit to human arbitration. 
Kharijism developed as a revolutionary doctrine. The Kharijites 
stress the equality of all believers, believe that they were obligated to 
denounce as illegitimate and overthrow unjust leaders, and assert that 
the leadership of the Islamic community should be open to the most 
pious regardless of racial and tribal affiliations. This meant that de- 
scent from the Prophet was irrelevant, and they insisted that faith is 
justified only by good works and practices. Radical versions of Khar- 
ijism at times went so far as to consider non-Kharijites as infidel-in- 
grates (takfir) who should be killed. 

An offshoot of this movement is the Ibadithe Islamic sect founded 
in the first half of the seventh century. The sect took its name from 
Abdullah Ibn Ibadh, one of its architects and early theologians. Al- 
though scholars of Islam include Ibadhiyyah within the Khariji doc- 
trine, the Ibadithes themselves reject such an affiliation. The Iba- 
dithes, believed to represent the most moderate variant of those who 
split from the fourth caliph's camp, are found today in Oman, East 
Africa, and small communities of Mzab in Algeria, J erba in Tunisia, 
and Jabal Nafusa and Zuwarrah in Libya. The Ibadithe sect's ap- 
proach to Islam is not radically different from the Sunnis. Ibadithe in- 
terpretations and practices of Islam are slightly different from the 
dominant Malekite School of law. Some of these differences have to 
do with the contested notions of the creation of the Qur'an and the 
possibility of seeing God in person in the afterlife. 

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In North Africa, social and political discrimination against Berbers 
by the Umayyad Dynasty (661-750) sparked revolts embodied in 
Kharijite ideology, such as the Sufrite rebellion in Tanger (739-740) 
and the conversion of the Zanata Berbers to Ibadithe dogma and 
practices in the mid-eighth century. Two major Ibadithe states 
emerged in the western part of North Africa: the Sufrite city-states of 
the Banu Midrar in Sijilmassa and that of the Rustamid Ibadithe in 
Tahart. After fleeing from Tanger, the Banu Midrar settled in Tafi- 
lalet and built the trade entrepot of Sijilmassa. The Banu Midrar fell 
to the Umayyad proxy, the M aghrawa, in 976, although Sijilmassa 
was briefly controlled by the Fatimids in 909, 922, and 966. To the 
north, Tahart controlled the northern trans-Saharan trade routes until 
they were conquered by the Fatimids in 909 and the Ibadithes were 
forced south into the isolated desert areas of Mzab and Ouargla. The 
rise of Shorfa dynasties from the 16th century on, who based their 
claims to power on descent from the Prophet Muhammad, spelled the 
end to any remaining significant Kharijite or Ibadithe beliefs in North 

Major scholars on the Ibadithe sect are E. Masqueray, who edited 
and translated the Si rah of Abu Zakariya al-Warijiani into French 
(1879) and authored Formations des cites chez les populations se- 
dentaires de I'Algerie (1886). A. de C. Motylinski compiled a set of 
bibliographies on the Ibadithe sheikhs (Si rah of Abu Zakariya, 
Tabaqat of al-Darjini, al-Jawahir of al-Barradi, and Siyyar of al- 
Shamaakhi, also known as Les Livres de la secte abadhite, 1885), ed- 
ited and translated into French the history of Ibn al-Saghir al-Maliki 
on the Rustamid imams, and authored G uerrara depuis sa foundation 
(1885) and the Djebel Nefousa (1898). M. Mercier wrote La civiliza- 
tion urbaine au Mzab (1922). There is also the work of A. M. Goi- 
chon, La vie feminine au Mzab (1927), and also that of L.Milliot, Re- 
ceuil des deliberations des djema'a du Mzab (1939), in which the 
position of women and Ibadithe jurisprudence are dealt with. 

Ibadithe scholars include Suleiman Basha al-Baruni, a native of 
Jabal Nafusa in Libya who established a printing press and issued his 
newspaper al-Asad al-lsalmi and authored several works on the Iba- 
dithes. Ali Mua'ammar of Jabal Nafusa also published a number of 
volumes under the title al-ibadhiya fi mawkib al tarikh (Ibadhiyya 
through History) . In Algeria, the scholar Abu Ishaq Ibrahim Atfaiyish 

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80 • KHATTABI AL-, ABDELKARIM (1882-1963) 

issued his journal, dl-Minhdj, and published the works of Mo- 
hammed Ibn Yusuf Atfaiyish and the Omani scholar al-Salim. Abu al- 
Yaqzan Ibrahim published about eight newspapers during the French 
rule, and Sheikh Baiyud Ibrahim Ibn v Umar was responsible for the 
modern reformist movement in Mzab and for bringing it closer to the 
Sunni Janfiyat al- v Ulama. Muhammad Ali Dabbuz of al-Quarrarah, 
Mzab, rewrote the history of the Maghrib from the Ibadhi point of 
view, and he also authored several volumes on modern Algeria under 
the title Thawrat al-Jaza'ir wa nahdatuha al-mubarakah (Algerian 
Revolution and Its Blessed Renaissance). In Tunisia, there was the 
work of Mohammed al-Tammimi, originally from Mzab, who pub- 
lished works on the Ibadhi te literature, and there was also Sheikh 
Suleiman al-Jadawi, editor of the newspaper M urshid al-Ummah . See 

KHATTABI AL -, ABDE L KARI M (1882- 1963). His full name is Mo- 
hammed Ibn Abdelkarim al-Khattabi. He was a Moroccan Berber 
leader and founder of the short-lived "Republic of the Rif ' from 1922 
to 1926. He was born in the village of Ajdir west of Melilla on the 
slopes of the Rif Mountains. From 1921 to 1926, he crushed the 
Spanish forces in the Rif and destabilized French colonial rule 
throughout the rest of Morocco. His struggle against colonialism 
found a loud echo not only in the Arab Muslim East and the Ameri- 
cas but also in Europe, where anticolonial groups carried on an active 
campaign in his favor. It took the combination of French and Span- 
ish military operations to put an end to his revolt in the North, and he 
surrendered to the French in 1926. He was deported with his family 
to Reunion Island in the Indian Ocean. There he set up a Berber vil- 
lage with its qasaba and during 21 years of his exile lived the life of 
a Berber chief, observing, however, the political development in the 
Arab world and changes in the international community. 

In the Rif, he is remembered as the great popular hero shrouded in 
the glory of his exploits and falling only to the overwhelming num- 
ber and sophisticated weaponry of his enemies. From his humble vil- 
lage of Ajdir, his fame fanned out throughout Morocco, and he is con- 
sidered the precursor of the struggle for Moroccan independence. In 
1947, when the French decided Abdelkarim's transfer to France and 
during a stop at Port Said, he left the ship and was granted asylum by 

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KRIM, BELKACEM (1922-1970) • 81 

the Egyptian government and took refuge in Cairo, then the most ac- 
tive center of North African nationalism. There he was the president 
of the Maghrib Bureau, a section of the Liberation Committee of the 
Arab West, but, dissatisfied with discord in its workings, he resigned 
five years later. He died at the age of 81 on 6 February 1963 and was 
buried with full honors in Cairo. See also ^ASSOU OU BASLAM; 

K I D A L . One of the poorest and least populated and developed regions 
of Mali. It is an autonomous region in the northeast of Mali, border- 
ing on Algeria. It was created on 15 May 1991 following the 6 Janu- 
ary 1991 agreement signed in Tamanrasset. Algeria, between Tu- 
areg rebel groups and the government of Mali. Until 1991 , Kidal was 
a cercle of the Gao region. Kidal covers 260,000 square kilometers 
and has a population of about 85,659, most of whom are Tuareg and 
Maure nomads. The cercle of Kidal proper has a population of about 
1 1 ,000. It is located in the low-lying Adrar-n-Iforas Mountains. In the 
1970s and 1980s, severe droughts forced many nomads to flee to Al- 
geria, as the government of Mali did little to mitigate the devastating 
effects. Following the Tuareg Revolt of 1962, a large contingent of 
the Malian army was stationed in Kidal. During the 1960s, the com- 
mandant of the cercle was Captain Diby Silas Diarra, a ruthless and 
brutal army officer who executed at will those Tuareg he suspected 
of subversion. Both Presidents Moussa Traore and Modido Keita 
committed grave human rights violations against the Tuareg and tried 
to drive them out of Mali to bordering countries. Tuareg livestock 
were also illegally confiscated by corrupt government and military 
authorities. Following the negotiations to end the Tuareg Revolt of 
1990-1992, the Malian government accepted the creation of an au- 
tonomous region for the Tuareg, giving them significant local control 
in government and administration. During 1992 and 1993, subse- 
quent to the National Pact, many Tuareg refugees in Algeria were 
repatriated to Kidal. Between 1960 and 1991, political prisoners were 
regularly sent to Kidal and also to the Taoudeni salt mine prison, 
which closed in 1988. 

KRIM, BELKACEM (1922- 1970). He was one of the historic leaders 
of the Algerian revolution. He was born in the village of Ait Yahia Ou 

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82 • KRIM, BELKACEM (1922-1970) 

Moussa in the region of Draa al Mizan, Greater Kabylia. He received 
his elementary school certificate at the Sarrouy school in Algiers. Af- 
terward, he worked as an employee in the Mirabeaud mixed com- 
mune (commune mixte). In 1945, he joined the Parti du Peuple Al- 
gerien (PPA) as well as the Organisation speciale (OS). From 1946 
on, especially following the accusation of assassinating a forest 
ranger, Krim was always on the run from French authorities to the 
point that he became known as the "lion du Djebel," or "the moun- 
tain lion." 

In 1947 and 1950, he was twice condemned to death in absentia. 
Although he was leading a clandestine way of life, in 1954 he became 
the sixth internal leader of the Comite Revolutionnaire pour l'Unite 
et 1' Action (CRUA) of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN). He 
was in charge of the Kabylia region. After the 1956 Soummam Val- 
ley Congress, he reluctantly opposed his fellow Kabyle, Abbane 
Ramdane, and became a member of the Comite de Coordination et 
d'Execution (CCE) of the FLN. After the Battle of Algiers (1956- 
1957), he left Algeria to join the external delegation of the FLN. In 
1958, he became vice president of the Gouvernement Provisoire de 
la Republique Algerienne (GPRA). During the GPRA years, he 
served as war minister, vice president of the Council of Ministers 
(1958), foreign minister (1960), and minister of the interior (1961). 
He chaired the FLN negotiating team, which signed the Evian Ac- 
cords recognizing Algeria's independence, and was the chief oppo- 
nent of Ahmed Ben Bella's government after independence in 1962. 
From 1963 to 1965, he withdrew from politics. In 1965, he was ac- 
cused of plotting against Houari Boumedienne and was again con- 
demned to death in absentia, this time ironically by postindependence 
Algerian courts. 

In 1969, he organized the Mouvement de Renouveau Algerien 
(MRA). He later took refuge in Germany, where he was assassi- 
nated on 18 October 1970 in Frankfurt, probably by Algerian secu- 
rity operatives. In 1984, Krim's legacy and contributions to the Al- 
gerian Revolution were reassessed, and his name was rehabilitated. 
As a result, he was reburied in the Carre des Martyrs cemetery in 
Algiers. In 1999, his home in the Ait Yahia Ou Moussa village was 
converted into a museum to celebrate his life and times. See dlso 

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KUSAYLA IBN LEMTEN. One of the earliest kings of the tribes 
found between the western A ures and Oualili to the north of present- 
day Fes constituted in the early 670s a confederation with its seat in 
Tlemcen. Kusayla and his people, who under Byzantine rule had be- 
come Christians, made their submission to the advancing Arab 
armies but after a while revolted, were defeated, and embraced Islam. 
On v Uqba Ibn Nafi's return eastward, Kusayla succeeded in organiz- 
ing a coalition of Berber tribes and Byzantine troops and attacked the 
Arabs. In a fierce battle near Biskra (683), v Uqba and his soldiers fell 
fighting, whereas Kusayla and his Awraba took control of al- 
Qayrawan. He extended his rule to most of present-day Tunisia and 
eastern Algeria. Kusayla was defeated and killed (690) at the gates of 
al-Qayrawan by an army sent by the Umayyad caliph v Abd al-Malik 


L ANG UAG E S. The term for the Berber language today is Tamazight. 

and the name of Berber speakers is Imazighen. The term "Imazighen" 
refers to the free, noble, and indigenous inhabitants of the historic 
Tamazgha, or Berber homeland, stretching east to west from Siwa in 
the Western Desert of Egypt to the Canary Islands and north to 
south from the Mediterranean shores to the southern limits of the 
Niger and Senegal rivers. 

Tamazight is the mother language of Berber dialects. Tamazight is 
part of the Afro-Asiatic language group, which is composed of the 
Semitic languages and Ancient Egyptian. Tamazight dialects vary 
widely, but they are all related to Tamazight. The term "Tamazight" 
also takes various forms, as in "thamazight," "Tamasheq," "Tama- 
jeq," and "Tamahaq," and it is used by a number of Berber commu- 
nities in the M iddle Atlas Mountains, south-central Morocco, the 
R if, and Sened in Tunisia and by the Tuareg to refer to the language 
they speak. Other communities in western Algeria refer to their lan- 
guage as "taznatit" or "Zanati," while Kabyles call theirs "thaq- 
vaylith," the inhabitants of Siwa "tasiwit," and the Zenaga 
"Tudhungiya." In general, although the classification of Berber Ian- 

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guages is somewhat capricious, linguists and anthropologists seem to 
agree on five variants of Tamazight languages: Eastern Berber lan- 
guages, Northern Berber languages, Guanches. Tamasheq lan- 
guages, and Zenaga. 

The Eastern Berber languages are spoken in regions of Libya and 
Egypt. Variants of Tamazight include Awjila, Sawknah, and Nafusi in 
Libya and Tasiwit in Egypt. The Northern Berber languages form a 
continous linguistic band throughout North Africa, stretching from 
Tunisia through the Sahara to Morocco. In Morocco, it consists of 
Tashalhiyt, Judeo-Berber, Tamazight, Tarifit, and other Zanati en- 
claves. In Algeria, it is composed of the following dailects: thaq- 
vaylith, Beni Snous, Achacha, Ouarsenis, Bel Halima, Harraoua, 
Chenoua, Chaouia, Tumzabt, Ouargli, and other Zenati languages. In 
Tunisia, Tamzight takes the forms of Sened and Djerbi. Guanche is 
an extinct language, and it is said by linguists to have been the lan- 
guage spoken on the Canary Islands until the end of the 16th century. 

The Tuareg language group consists of Tamasheq, Tamajaq, and 
Tamahaq, which are spoken in parts of Algeria, Libya, Mali, Niger, 
Burkina Faso, and Chad. This group is mutually comprehensible and 
is considered to constitute a single language. These languages have 
been historically written in the Tifinagh alphabet; however, the Ara- 
bic alphabet is commonly used among some groups, while the Latin 
alphabet is used in Mali and Niger. Tuareg languages are divided into 
northern and southern languages. The northern variant includes 
Tamahap, also known as Tahggart, spoken in southern Algeria and 
northern Niger. The southern group consists of Tamasheq spoken 
among the Kel Adrar in Mali, Tayart Tamajaq aamong the Kel Air in 
Niger, and Tawallammat Tamajaq among the Iwellemmeden in Mali 
and Niger. Zenaga is spoken by mostly pastoral nomadic communi- 
ties in Adrar, Dekhlet-Nouadhibou, Inchiri, Mderdra, Tagant, Tiris 
Zemmour, and Trarza in Mauritania. 

In general, Tuareg languages are distincly different from most of 
the Berber languages, for they provide purer and less Arabized forms 
of Berber, with a more elaborate grammar structure and a negligible 
amount of loanwords from Arabic . Today, as the revival of the Berber 
language is considered one of the most significant factors of the af- 
firmation of Berber identity, Tuareg languages are considered pre- 
cious linguistic data critical for the rehabilitation and revitalization of 

06- 279 G- R. qxd 6/ 22/ 06 8: 55 AM Page 


Tamazight across the Maghreb. See also ARABIZATION; BERBER 

I/ANSART. This term refers to June 24, or Midsummer Day. On this 
day, fires are made, and men, women, and children leap over them, 
believing that by doing so they will cleanse themselves of evil (IbdS) 
that may be clinging to them. People also fumigate themselves and 
their houses, livestock, fields, and threshing floors with the smoke of 
various herbs, incenses, and leaves of trees to protect them from the 
evil eye and to keep them in good condition. This day is also believed 
to be ideal for the practice of magic and witchcraft, as certain magic 
forces are supposed to be active in certain species of vegetation. It is 
said that the imam of the mosque, as the keeper of the calendar, re- 
frains from naming the day of I'dnsdrt for fear of its being used by 
witches to do harm to others. 

L ITE RATURE . This is a very significant aspect of Berber culture and 
heritage. Poets of all sorts would recite histories and cultural tradi- 
tions, and this oral stock was and is the basis of much of the Berber 
literature, which has been written largely in French. Despite the dom- 
inance and favoritism of Arabic, especially in North Africa, French is 
and remains the dominant means of expression among many Berber 
writers and poets. The great Kabylepoet Si Mohand ou-M'hand is a 
good example of this tradition. M ouloud Feraoun, M OUloud M am- 
meri, J ean Amrouche, Marguerite Taos-Amrouche, Mohammed 
Kair-Eddine, Mohammed Choukri, Malek Ouary, Mano Dayak, 
Azayku AM, and Tassadit Yacine authored collections dealing with 
Berber culture, identity, and history. Recently, however, there have 
been timid, individual efforts in Morocco and Algeria to publish in 
Tamazight. Another aspect of this literary tradition involves the use 
of Arabic in writing down Berber artistic creations, sharVd and cus- 
toms (dzerf), and translation of the holy book of Islam, the Qur'an. 
This type of scholarly work in Arabic is encountered among the peo- 
ple of SOUS and Ibadithe communities. The translation of the Qur'an 
and other Islamic studies publications by Barghwata, Ibn Tumart, 
ZakariyaAbu al-WarijIani, Mohamed al-Mokhtar al-Soussi, Ad- 
dessalam Yassine, and Jouhadi al-Houssain al-Ba'amrani are 
good examples of this approach. 

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During Roman times, Berber societies produced great literary fig- 
ures who penned their works in Latin. Marcus Cornelius Fronto (a.d. 
110-180), a native of Cirta (Constantine, Algeria), was a proponent 
of older styles of Latin and was a teacher of Marcus Aurelius. Lucius 
Appuleius (a.d. 125-170) from Madaure (M'Daourouch, Algeria) 
was the author of the M etamorphoses and particularly the G olden 
ASS, the story of a man transformed into a donkey before Isis returns 
him to a human shape. Minucius Felix, a lawyer from Thelepe 
(Tebessa, Algeria), was a Christian convert who authored the dia- 
logue OctdVIUS, which is said to represent the earliest Christian work 
written in Latin. The most famous figure was Saint Augustine (a.d. 
354-430) from Thagaste (Souk Ahras, Algeria), the bishop of Hippo 
and author of Confessions and The City of G od. 


M AG H R AWA. One of the largest historic Berber dynasties, a member 
of the Zanata group, which at the time of the first westward push of 
the Arabs around 650 occupied present-day Algeria. They were 
among the first North African peoples who embraced Islam, recog- 
nized the spiritual supremacy of the caliph, and fought in the ranks of 
the Arab army led by 'Uqba Ibn Nafi' into the Atlas region and on to 
Tangier (682-683). In 786, under the leadership of Mohammed Ibn 
Khazir, the Maghrawa conquered Tlemcen but were soon displaced 
by the Idrisids. From 825 to 829, the Maghrawa revolted against and 
killed a Fatimid ally, Massala of the Maknassa, and then were subse- 
quently beaten by a Fatimid army under Abu Al Qassim, who took 
over Tlemcen. In 976, again as allies of the Ummayads in Spain and 
under the leadership of Khazrun Ibn Fulful, the Maghrawa conquered 
Sijilmassa with the oases in the surrounding area south of the M id- 
die Atlas from the Banu Midrar, a Maknassa clan who had built the 
city in 757 . Ibn Fulful established an Umayyad protectorate over his 
territory. In 973, when the Umayyad Ghalib invaded Morocco, the 
Fatimid influence was eliminated except for a brief period when the 
Sanhaja chieftain Buluggin Ibn Ziri inflicted a defeat on Maghrawa 
and pushed most of the Maghrawa people into central Morocco. 

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In general, from 973, the Zanata tribes Maghrawa, Banu Ifran, and 
M aknassa governed Morocco for the Sunni Ummayads. In the mid- 
dle of the 11th century, the Maghrawa controlled most the SOUS and 
Draa, Sijilmassa, and Aghmat as well as Fes, where they had estab- 
lished themselves since 987. The Maghrawa period was one of war- 
fare and tension between Sunni rule in Morocco and Kharijite rule 
further east that led to the destruction of the Tlemcen-Tahart- 
Sijilmassa corridor, transforming it from a thriving commercial region 
to a less prosperous nomadic area. By mid-century, they were beaten 
by the advancing Almoravids. Sijilmassa was lost in 1056 and Fes in 
1069. The Almoravid assault put an end to the Maghrawa dynasty. 

MAKNASSA. One of the large historic Zanata dynasties that in pre- 
Islamic times migrated from present-day Libya and Tunisia into Al- 
geria with Tahart as a center. Many of its members then moved on 
into eastern and central Morocco, gradually expanding in the Mal- 
wiyya valley and further into the R if Mountain lands as well as to- 
ward the plains bordering the Atlantic coasts. Some of their clans 
were among the troops that in the seventh century under Tariq I bn 
Ziyad set out for the conquest of Spain. These groups settled the so- 
called Fahs al-Bullut (Highland of the Acorn Fields, today Los 
Petroches) north of Cordoba and in the region of Saragossa, where 
the place name of Mequinensa still recalls its one-time inhabitants. 

In Morocco, the Maknassa laid out in a fertile countryside an ag- 
glomeration of settlements that were to develop into the cities of 
Meknes and Taza. They also founded in the oases of Tafilalet, on the 
border of the Sahara, the town of Sijilmassa. Masala Ibn Habus, an 
outstanding Maknassa chieftain who had espoused the Kharijite doc- 
trine, subdued in 912 Tahart, the former Rustumid imamate, and was 
entrusted with the governorship of the town and the surrounding area. 
Next he conquered the Salihids (an Arab dynasty) principality of 
Nakur in 917. Then he took the Idrisid capital of Fes and the moun- 
tain region as far as Tlemcen in 922. Finally, he occupied Sijilmassa. 
Among all the tribes in central and northern Morocco, the various 
Maknassa groups put up the most tenacious resistance to the advanc- 
ing Almoravid armies impelled by the force of their great leader 
Yusuf Ibn Tashafin (1061-1107). After several battles against the 

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88 • MAMMERI, MOULOUD (1917-1989) 

Almoravids, the Maknassas' elan was forever broken, but down to 
this day a tribal group in the area of Taza still bears their name. 

MAMMERI, MOULOUD (1917- 1989). His Berber name is Lmulud 
Ath M'ammar, and he was born in Taourirt Mimoun in Greater 
Kabylia. Mammeri was a novelist, poet, and playwright. He was one 
of Algeria's greatest francophone literary figures, and he devoted all 
his life to the promotion of Berber culture and language. His name is 
synonymous with the Algerian Berber movement. In 1980, the Al- 
gerian authorities canceled his lecture on Berber culture (Berber po- 
etry) at the University of Tizi Ouzou. This instigated the bloody 
events of the Berber Spring. 

Mammeri attended elementary school in his native village. After a 
long stay in Rabat (Morocco), he returned to Algiers, where he at- 
tended the Lycee Bugeaud and the Lycee Louis-le-Grand in Paris. He 
planned to enroll in the Ecole Normale Superieure, but World War II 
broke out, and he took part in the American campaigns in Italy, 
France, and Germany. He was active in the war of independence and 
was a member of the team that drafted a report to the United Nations 
on the Algerian decolonization question. Hunted by the French po- 
lice, he fled to Morocco and stayed there until independence. 

After independence, Mammeri became a professor at the Univer- 
sity of Algiers. The endowed chair of Berber studies was eliminated 
in 1962, and Mammeri managed to teach a course on Berber ethnol- 
ogy. In 1969, he became director of the Centre de Recherches An- 
thropologiques, Prehistoriques et Ethnographiques (CRAPE). During 
his tenure as director of this center and because of the vacuum left by 
the departing French archaeologists and ethnographers, he devoted 
his energies to the development of anthropological research on 
Berber oral literature, culture, and ethnomusicology. His ethno- 
graphic approach to the study of Algerian society was not accepted 
by the state authorities, as the latter regarded ethnography as em- 
bodying the intentions of the colonial research schemes. This led to 
his removal from the directorship of the center in 1978. Despite these 
difficulties, he continued working on Berber issues. In 1982, he es- 
tablished the Centre d'etudes et de recherches amazigh (CERAM) in 
Paris, with the journal A Wdl (The Word) dedicated to research on 
Berber issues. 

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MARINIDS (1244-1464) • 89 

Similar to other writers of his generation, his literary legacy, be it 
in French or Berber, tells of the cultural struggles at the intersection 
of North African (especially Berber) and French culture. His novels 
in French include La colli ne oubliee (1952); Le sommeil du juste 
(1955); L' opium etle baton (1965); La traversee (1982), which tells 
of his own disillusionment with postindependence Algeria; L 'ahelil 
duGourara (1985); and Culture savante, culture vecue (1938-1989). 
His plays are Le Banquet, precede de la mort absurde des Azteques 
(1973) and Le Foehn (1982). His works concerning Berber culture 
and poetry are les I serf a, poemes de SI Mohand ou Mhand (1969), 
Tajerrumt n tmazighte (Berber Grammar, 1976), Poemes kabyles an- 
ciens (1980), Machaho and Tellem chaho (1980), Yenna-yas Chikh 
Mohand (1989), and Precis de grammaire Berbere (Kabyle, 1986). 
On 25 February 1989 he died in an automobile accident. 

MARINIDS (1244-1464). The Berber Marinid dynasty was founded 
by a clan of one the nomadic Z anata branches that had its territory 
on the fringe of the Sahara Desert between the oases of Tafilalet and 
Figuig. They refused to be fitted into the politicoreligious order of the 
Almohads state, were defeated by the Almohads in 1144, and were 
driven back into the desert. In 1245, in alliance with other Zanata 
groups, they pressed northward again as far as the R if Mountains. By 
1258, the Marinids had control of most of eastern and northern Mo- 
rocco from the Draa to Sijilmassa to Sale, Taza, and Fes. For a while, 
however, they were forced into obedience by the Almohads, the Haf- 
sids, and the Zayyanid dynasty of v Abd al-Wadid in Tlemcen. The al- 
Wadid dynasty was led by Yaghmurasan, and they seem to have been 
threatened and so supported the Almohads. In the 14th century, the 
Marinids briefly conquered much of Algeria (including Tlemcen in 
1337) and Tunis in 1347, but their hold was ephemeral except for 
parts of Algeria. The probable motive behind pressing eastward was 
to obtain the profits from the trans-Saharan trade, which had moved 
largely east with the decline of Ghana and the Empire of Mali in the 
14th century. During the last century of the Marinid period, the state 
was ruled by Wattasid vizirs (1420-1458) followed by Wattasid sul- 
tans (1465-1549). 

One of the major limitations of the Marinid dynasty was that it was 
not founded on a religious doctrine and its rulers could not claim 

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special religious status to legitimize their leadership. They encoun- 
tered difficulties in Fes, where the local elites considered Marinid 
claims to rule inferior claims to legitimacy than their own, Idrisid an- 
cestry. To thwart local opposition and close the religious deficit, the 
Marinids promoted Islamic education (Maliki School of law) and a le- 
galistic scholarly approach to religion through a mddfdSd system in 
major urban centers. They were also tolerant of Jews, maybe because 
the Muslim elite was so antagonistic, and the Marinid period is viewed 
as a golden era for Moroccan Judaism. Architecture, commerce, and 
culture flourished during the Marinid tenure. The tolerance of non- 
Muslims and the inability to claim special religious status damaged 
their claims to power and enabled the Wattasid takeover, the develop- 
ment of autonomous states such as the town of Chefchaouen estab- 
lished by Sharifs, and the subsequent Sa'diyin invasion. In the years 
of the dynasty's fall, a Marinid branch established in the northeastern 
region of Morocco an independent emirate with its seat in the moun- 
tainous fortress of Dabdou. It maintained itself until the first quarter 
of the 16th century largely with the help of the Muslim and Jewish 
refugees from Spain to whom it offered asylum after the fall of 
Granada in 1492. By the beginning of the 16th century, the Wattasid 
sultan Mohammed al-Sheikh (1472-1505) peacefully incorporated 
the emirate into Moroccan territory. 


most popular Moroccan saints (ca. 1228). He was born in the moun- 
tain region of the Jbala al- v Alam southeast of Tetouan, obviously of 
Berber origin but later attributed a genealogy going back to the 
Prophet's family and thus was elevated to Sharifian, or holy rank. He 
died, being assassinated a "false prophet," a supporter of the 
M arinids in their struggle against the declining Almohad rule, who 
apparently viewed the saint's influence on the people a danger for 
their own politicoreligious purposes. Around Ibn Mashish's name, 
whose tomb on the top of a mountain remained a lodge of local rev- 
erence, a circle of legends and tales about the miracles he had per- 
formed was woven over time. Some 200 years after his death, his 
veneration began to spread all over northern Morocco, and from the 
16th century on, he was revered in North Africa as a qutb (a pillar or 
focus of mystical worship). 

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MASMUDA. Ibn Khaldun distinguished three major groups among 
the Berbers: Zanata. Sanhaja. and Masmuda. He ascribed to each a 
separate genealogy leading to a common eponymous ancestor. Each 
of these groups consisted of a larger number of tribes that, in the case 
of Masmuda and Zanata, lived separated from each other and led dif- 
ferent ways of life. The Masmuda branches and subgroups occupied 
the major parts of Morocco: the Ghommara all over the Rif as far as 
the straits and southward into the plains by the Abu Ragrag and 
Sabou rivers; their neighbors, the Barghwata, as far as the Oum al- 
Rabr , which separated them from the Doukkala; further south, down 
to the Tansift River, the Ragraga; and gradually gaining the hill coun- 
try, the Haha, and a number of minor groupings. 

In the middle of the 12th century, the Masmuda of the mountains 
and those of the plains united in their common faith in the religio- 
political doctrine preached by the Mahdi Ibn Tumart among the 
Hargha and Hintata in the western part of the H igh Atlas. Their union 
forged the Almohad Empire, the mightiest concentration of power in 
North Africa, and the frame of some of its splendid cultural achieve- 
ments. When it started to lose its control, another family of Masmuda 
blood, the H afsid. descendants of Ibn Tumart's devoted follower Abu 
Hafs v Umar of the Hintata, built up their power in Tunisia, which 
they controlled until the beginning of the 16th century. Today, the de- 
scendants of the ancient Masmuda are known as Shluh, making up 
the mass of Berber population in the High and M idclle Atlas 

MAY SARA AL-MATGHARI. He was the leader of a revolt 
(738-740) against Arab domination of several Berber tribes particu- 
larly exacerbated by the harsh rule of the Arab governor of Tangier. 
He was a Matghara tribesman who had made a living as a waterman 
in Al-Qayrawan, and he brought about, under the influence of the het- 
erodox Kharijite doctrine, an alliance of the Matghara, Maknassa. 
and Barghwata confederations. They took up arms, soon became 
masters of Tangier, and repelled the Arab troops sent from Spain to 
establish order. As a result, Maysara assumed the title of caliph and 
with such pride that he was assassinated by his own people. Under his 
successor, Khalid Ibn Ahmed, a Zanata chieftain, the confederates 
conquered the plains of the SOUS on the Atlantic coast and routed an 
army of the caliph at the banks of the Sabou River in the so-called 

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92 • MEDIA 

G hazwat al-ashraf (Battle of the Nobles) of 740. A second army was 
beaten the following year, and the revolt spread. It was finally sub- 
dued in two battles at the gates of al-Qayrawan in 742. 

M E DIA. While audiovisual and print media are under the control of the 
state, the emergence of information and communication technologies 
(ICTs) has reconfigured the production and consumption of old and 
new forms of media in the public sphere. Given the authoritarian na- 
ture of most government in Berber country, the use of modern and 
mobile technology has radically transformed the media landscape in 
three critical ways. First, it provided Berber activists with alternative 
and effective ways to debate all things Berber and to short-circuit 
government censorship bureaus, which had for so long muffled 
Berber initiatives. Second, the arrival of ICTs complemented very 
nicely the blooming Berber sociopolitical and cultural awakening. 
Third, ICTs provide tools of communication that defy the constraints 
of geography and time. This latter dimension has been more critical 
in the sense that it allowed Berbers to build imagined and virtual 
communities and break away from government control of traditional 
forms of media, such as newspapers, magazines, radio, television, 
and film. 

Print, audio, and digital media encompass a wide range of inde- 
pendent and start-up publications that speak to Berber issues and as- 
pirations. Many Amazigh publications can be found in Berber coun- 
try newsstands and bookstores. Some are published locally, while 
others are imported from abroad, especially France, Spain, Belgium, 
and Holland. In Morocco, there are several newspapers and maga- 
zines, most of which are trilingual (Berber, Arabic, and French or 
Spanish), and focus on Berber culture, language, and history. These 
are Amud, Tasafut, Tamagit, Tiwiza, Agraw, Tamunt, Tidmi, Adrar, 
Tilelli, Tifawt, Tifinagh,Libika, Tawiza , Agraw , Amazigh magazine, 
Le Monde Amazigh, and the first weekly, Amazigh magazine, and 
Tamazight. In Algeria, there are the monthly sociocultural magazine 
Izuran and La Depeche de Kabylie. In France, given its colonial his- 
tory in Berber country, all forms of media are developed to their 
fullest thanks to the endeavors of Berber migrant communities ener- 
gized by the second-generation interest in Berber and global ques- 
tions. Some on- and offline publications in France and the Canary Is- 

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lands include Parimazigh, Awal , Imazighen ass-a,lssalan n Temoust, 
La Lettre d'Enfants de I'Adrar des Iforas, Notes de linguistique 
Berbere, and Diario de canarias. 

Internet sites have also boomed over the past two decades. These 
sites include,,,,,,,,,,, and National and transnational radio and 
television stations include Berber Radio and Television (BRTV) and 
Radio Amazigh BRTV (France), Radio Chaine 2 (Algeria), Radio 
Erif (Morocco), and Amazigh Montreal Radio (Canada), some of 
which are available online. 

MIDDLE ATLAS MOUNTAINS. This is a mountain chain located in 
north-central Morocco. It covers an estimated area of 28,000 square 
kilometers and runs for about 400 kilometers from north to south. 
The landscape of the Middle Atlas is a region consisting of different 
zones with great variations in altitude and in annual precipitation. It 
is composed of two major parts: high plateaus with an elevation rang- 
ing from 1,100 to 2,100 meters as well a conventional mountain 
chain reaching an elevation of 2,500 meters in some areas. Its topog- 
raphy dominates the surrounding lowlands and is characterized by a 
Mediterranean climate, with sufficient snow accumulation and rain- 
fall for the practice of pastoral nomadism and rain-fed agriculture. 
Lying on the northern edge of the mountain range, the Sais plain 
forms one of Morocco's most favored rainfall areas, receiving an av- 
erage annual precipitation of 600 to 700 millimeters. The area of the 
plain that joins the foothills of the Middle Atlas is called the dir, or 
slope. It is a well-watered area, forested and covered with green pas- 
tures throughout the hot and dry summer period. Early in the French 
Protectorate (1912-1956), the French discovered that the climate and 
soils of the Sais were suitable for grapevines, and it became a center 
of viniculture as well as the site of intensive land appropriation 

The area is home to several Tamazight-speaking Sanhaja tribes 
who make up several confederations known as Ait Idrassen, Ait 
Oumalou, and Ait Yaflman. The Ait Idrassen incorporate Ait Ihand, 
Ait "Ayyash, Ait Oufella, Ait Youssi, Ait Ndhir, Mjatt, Ait Ouallal, 

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Imelwan, Ait Yemmour, and Ait Sadden. The Ait Oumalou (literally, 
"people of the shade") are composed of Ishqeren, Beni Mguild, 
Ishaq, Zayan, and Ait Sukhman. The Ait Yaflman (literally, "those 
who found peace") incorporate a number of tribes located at the 
southern end of the H igh Atlas around Midelt. They consist of the Ait 
Yahia, Ait Hdiddou, Ait Morghad, Ait Izdey, and Guerwan. 

MOHAOU HAMMOU ZAYANI. He was amemberof the AitHarkat 
tribe of the Zayan confederation. In 1877, he became the caid of the 
Zayan confederation, and he ruled from his citadel in the city of 
Khenifra, which is located on the banks of the Oum Errabi' River. To 
supplement his pastoral and agricultural activities, the location of his 
citadel allowed him to collect right of passage taxes on transhumant 
nomads as well as on traders. 

Moha ou Hammou was the leader of resistance in the M iddle At- 
las M OUfltains during the establishment of the French Protectorate in 
Morocco in 1912 and before. During the reign of Sultan Moulay Yusuf 
(1912-1927), which overlapped with the arrival of Louis-Hubert 
Lyautey's protectorate projects, resistance activity against French oc- 
cupation intensified. Having allied himself with the sultan for several 
years, he was able to acquire firearms, and this allowed him to mobi- 
lize Zayan men and call for a jihad against the French presence. In 
1914, when French troops occupied the fief of Moha ou Hammou and 
controlled his capital, Khenifra, he and his followers retreated to the 
surrounding hills to prepare their revenge. On 13 November, they 
came down from the hills, set up camp in the village of Elhri (about 
15 kilometers south of Khenifra), and launched a devastating attack 
on the French. The French lost 23 officers, 580 soldiers, 8 cannons, 
and 10 machine guns. This attack is referred to as the Battle of Elhri 
and still remains a cause celebre of Zayan social history. However, 
this victory was short lived, as the French regrouped and returned in 
full force to pursue Moha ou Hammou in the rugged terrain of the 
Middle Atlas Mountains. The search went on for six years until 1920 
when he was killed with arms in his hands. See dlso 'ASSOU OU 

party was formed in July 1991 by Mahjoubi Ahardan after he was 

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forced from the leadership of the M ouvement Populaire (MP) by Mo- 
hand Laenser. Despite its average election results since 1991 , it has re- 
ceived less than half the votes of the reorganized Mouvement Populaire. 
In 2002 national elections, it won 18 seats in the parliament. 

MOUVEMENT POPULAIRE (M P). This is a political party in Mo- 
rocco, and it is known by its Arabic name, Al Haraka al-Sha v biyyah. 
It emerged soon after the achievement of the country's independence, 
originally in the R if regions among the former officers of the Liber- 
ation Army (J dysh dl-Tdhrir), but quickly spread also among the peo- 
ple of the Atlas and the Tafilalet. During its early formative stages, 
the party embodied the resentment felt by certain members toward 
the dominating position and usurpation of power by members of the 
Istiqlal Party who had never participated in the actual combat. The 
founding members were Haddu Rifi, a lieutenant in the Liberation 
Army; Doctor v Abd al-Karim, a physician of Casablanca; and 
Mahjoubi Ahardan, former captain in the French army, then governor 
of the province of Rabat. 

The movement rapidly gained a growing number of adherents and 
sympathizers, especially in the armed forces, but also made many po- 
tent enemies. Hence, in 1957, it came forth with a party program, but 
it was banned allegedly because of illegal formation, and Mahjoubi 
Ahardan was removed from office. Yet the tensions in the Rif and the 
Tafilalet regions increased and, in October 1958, broke out into seri- 
ous disturbances on the occasion of the funeral of a Berber com- 
mander (" Abbes Massaadi) of the Liberation Army, assassinated al- 
legedly by Ben Barka in Fes (Pennell 2000, 304), which was attended 
by 5,000 tribesmen and conducted by Dr. Khatib and Mahjoubi 
Ahardan. A few days later, both men were arrested. This was the be- 
ginning of a popular rising directed against the regime and politics of 
the Istiqlal Party that started in Oulmes, Ahardan's native region in 
the M iddle Atlas, and spread southward into the valleys of the H igh 
Atlas and the Tafilalet region. In December 1958, a new cabinet 
came to power, Khatib and Ahardan were set free, and the Mouve- 
ment Populaire was formally recognized. Subsequently, both men 
were entrusted with numerous positions in the government of Mo- 
rocco. The party has been resolutely royalist since its formation, and 
this may explain its prolonged existence. 

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The Mouvement Populaire has primarily a rural base. It stands for 
rural smallholders and the landless poor as well as low-skilled urban 
labor. Its programs stress improved social services, agricultural co- 
operatives, and state-based development equitably distributed be- 
tween rural and urban areas. The party wants to secure the poor and 
the marginalized a measure of influence on social and economic pol- 
icy, commensurate with its position as the majority of the population. 
In 1986, Mahjoubi Ahardan was removed from the position of lead- 
ership in the MP and then formed a new party, the M Olivement Na- 
tional Populaire. The reorganized Mouvement Populaire, under Mo- 
hand Laenser, has increased its share of parliamentary seats since the 
1993 elections. In the 2002 elections, it won 27 seats. 

TUTIONEL (MPDC). This political party is an offshoot of the 
Mouvement Populaire established in February 1967 by Doctor 
" Abd al-Karim Khatib after he was ousted from the Mouvement Pop- 
ulaire on 4 November 1966. Its secretary-general, Doctor Khatib, 
was one of the leading founders of the Mouvement Populaire. The 
MPDC won no seats in 1993. In 1992, Doctor Khatib joined forces 
with the Attawhid wa al-Islah association and founded the progov- 
ernment Islamist party, Parti de la Justice et Developpement (PJD). 
In the 2002 national elections, the PJD won 42 seats. 


MOZABITES. They are known as Banu Mzab or simply Mzab, a 
Berber community of the heterodox Ibadithe sect, the survivors of the 
once-flourishing Rustimid imamate of Tahart or the city -republic of 
Sadrata, which succeeded it. Tahart is located near the town of Ouar- 
gala in the Algerian Sahara. Driven out of Sadrata in the middle of 
the 11th century, the Ibadithes withdrew into the arid and inhos- 
pitable limestone highland of the Shabka, some 645 kilometers south 
of the capital city, Algiers. There, on the Mzab River, hence the name 
under which they are currently known, through hard work they cre- 
ated large groves of date trees irrigated by a dense network of chan- 

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nels. These plantations requiring large investments of labor and cap- 
ital are not to be viewed, however, from the point of view of eco- 
nomic returns. In fact, their maintenance is made possible only by the 
earnings of the Mozabite merchants and capitalists established all 
over Algeria. 

The Mozabites live in a loose confederation of seven small urban 
settlements that grew up between the 11th and 17th centuries. These 
seven cities of the M'zab are Beni Isguen, Ghardaia, Melika, 
Bounoura, Elateuf, Guerrara, and Berriane, with Ghardaia as the 
largest and most important urban center of the Mzab country. Each 
town constitutes a sort of theocratic republic governed by two as- 
semblies: one, the hdlqd (circle), of 12 religious heads (IZZdban) 
and the other consisting of laymen in charge of the administration 
and police affairs. Civil and penal jurisdiction lay exclusively in the 
hands of the / dZZdbdn and was based on their interpretation of the 
Qur'an and the H ddith (sayings and practices of the Prophet). These 
commentaries were compiled in numerous collections until Sheikh 
" Abdel "Aziz of the town of Bni Isguen codified them in the 10 vol- 
umes of his Kitdb dl-Nil . Following the incorporation into the Al- 
gerian administration of the Mozabite territory (1882) after it had al- 
ready been declared (1853) a French protectorate, certain reforms 
were introduced into this code, but most of them remained practi- 
cally unobserved, so that the French policymakers thought it wise to 
exempt the Mozabites from the innovations introduced in 1959 into 
the traditional legislation regulating marriage and divorce in Alge- 
ria. After independence, Sheikh Buyud Ibrahim was designated to 
represent the Mozabite community in the government of the Alger- 
ian Republic. 

The desert environment and the isolation of their homeland have 
never stopped the Mozabites from gaining a place in the economy of 
Algeria. In Ottoman times, certain occupations, such as the running 
of public baths of slaughterhouses or mills, were almost exclusively 
under their control. Today, about one-sixth of the male population 
(women are not allowed ever to leave the Mzab River region) seeks 
commercial success on the markets of the larger Algerian towns and 
cities in various commercial enterprises. Other Ibadithe communities 
are found in the Tunisian island of Jerba and the Jbal Nefusa in Libya. 

See also kharijism. 

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98 • music 

M USIC . Berber music is derived from a blending of rural, urban, and 
global expressions and styles. Music is almost invariably associated 
with poetry and various modes of singing and dancing. Traditional 
Berber music could be divided into two major categories: collective 
celebrations and professional musicians. While collective music in- 
volves village- or family-wide participation in such performances as 
ahidllS and ahwash, professional music, referred to as imdyazan or 
rways, consists of traveling bands of two or four musicians, led by a 
poet called amdyaz or rays. Traditional music uses a wide array of in- 
struments consisting of flutes, drums, lute-like instruments (l/l/tar and 
rebab), fiddles, and ghaitas (pipe-like instrument). Musical perform- 
ances usually start with an instrumental session on rebab or Wtar, fol- 
lowed by a tambourine/drum and a flute, which gives the notes and 
the rhythms of the melody that follows. The next phase is the amarg, 
or sung poetry, followed by dancing. In Morocco, some of the most 
popular singers of this genre are Mohamed Rouicha, Hadda Ou v Akki 
and Bannassar Ou Khouya, Cherifa, Najat A'tabu, Tihihit, Taba'am- 
rant, Al Haj BaFid, and Demseri, to mention a few. 

Unlike Moroccan Berber music, Kabyle music was known outside 
North Africa as early as the 1930s, especially in France. The exten- 
sive rural-to-urban and international migration has transformed 
Kabyle music in many ways. The denial of recognition of Berber cul- 
ture and language by postcolonial governments has also had a con- 
siderable impact on the production of Berber music on both sides of 
the Mediterranean Sea. The centrality of poetry in Berber life to 
speak truth to oppression and power has led to a passionate interest 
in the songs of culturally and politically engaged artists such as Sli- 
mane Azem, Cherifa, Akli Yahyatene, Hanifa, Kamal Hamadi, Fer- 
hat, Ait Menguellet, Matoub Lounes, and Idir. Many Berber musi- 
cians were and are persecuted or even killed, as in the case of Matoub 
Lounes in Algeria. In France, where there is a significant Berber di- 
aspora in search of its roots, Idir and Ait Menguellet are widely pop- 
ular and have come to represent the symbols of Berberism or 
Tamazgha. In the early 1970s, Idir had the first international hit for 
Kabyle music, and he is said to have ushered in the new age of the 
world-beat genre. 

Tuareg traditional music uses rhythms and vocal styles similar to 
the music of other Berbers and tends to lean most often toward the 

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call-and-response style of singing modes. In contrast to other Berber 
groups, among the Tuareg, music is mostly the domain of women, 
who are held in high esteem as imzdd players (a one-string instrument 
like a violin) and poetesses. Music celebrations for the most part cen- 
ter on the performance of dhdl , which is an amorous gathering of 
young men and women to recite poetry. Tuareg courtship ceremonies 
such as the tendi and dhdl center on the vocal trilling of women, spe- 
cial dances, and singing of love poetry marking the occasion. Tuareg 
have produced internationally renowned bands in Tartit and Tinari- 
wen. Other remarkable experiments in modern Berber music include 
Ousman, Imazighen, Izanzaren, Ammouri Mbarek, Djur Djura, Sli- 
mane Azem, Cherif Kheddam, Afous, Takfarinass, and Yani, among 
many. In general, Berber music is informed by social and political 
protest and fuses traditional music and modern styles, adding a hy- 
brid dimension to Berber voices enabling them to reclaim their place 
in the world. 


NATIONAL PACT. A pact signed on 12 April 1992 between Tuareg 
military and political groups and the Malian government to end the 
Tuareg Revolt of 1990-1992. The pact granted important conces- 
sions to the peoples of the north: Tuareg and Maure. The negotia- 
tions were mediated by the French and the Algerians, who also acted 
as guarantors of the pact's implementation. The pact was a major 
achievement for the transitional government of President Amadou 
Toumani Toure. Regrettably, this pact collapsed in mid- 1994 when 
three Tuareg groups withdrew their men from the Malian armed 

NUMIDIA. This refers to the ancient kingdom of eastern Algeria with 
its seat of power in Cirta, present-day Constantine. It gained emi- 
nence during the reign of Berber kings such as Masinissa and 
Jugurtha. After Rome's defeat of Jugurtha in 106 B.C., Mauritania 
took control of western Numidia. Numidian kings were caught in in- 
ternal power struggles, and this weakened Numidia further. Eventu- 
ally, Juba II left Numidia to govern Mauritania. Mauritania and 

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Numidia were soon absorbed in the Roman Empire. Numidia was in- 
vaded by the Vandals in the fifth century and by the Arabs in the 
eighth. The main urban centers of ancient Numidia were Cirta (now 
Constantine) and Hippo Regius (now Annaba). See also AUGUS- 



was born in the Ait Saghrouchene village of Ain Cha'ir between 
Boudnib and Bouanane in eastern Morocco. His father was a caid, 
and he facilitated the French invasion of southern Morocco and Tafi- 
lalet and was rewarded for his services after 1912 with the caidate of 
Boudnib. As a fils de notables, Oufkir graduated from the Berber nor- 
mal school of Azrou and the military academy of Meknes. In 1943, 
he took part in the Allied expeditionary corps in Italy. From 1947 to 
1950, he served as a commando officer in the French army in Indo- 
China. In 1950, he served in the general staff of the French army as 
a liaison officer with the Royal Palace. In 1955, Sultan Mohammed 
V appointed him as his aide-de-camp. 

His liaison post was crucial at the time, as he worked as an inter- 
mediary between the French and the exiled king Mohammed V. This 
gained him trust and access in the new independent state. During the 
Rif Revolt of 1958-1959, he was in charge of repressing the Rif 
rebels, and his ruthless tactics gained him the post of minister of in- 
terior in 1961. In 1960, Oufkir reorganized the Moroccan military 
forces and became the director the Surete Nationale to control dissi- 
dents. In 1964, he was appointed, once again, minister of the interior, 
and during the same year he was promoted to the rank of general. Af- 
ter the abortive coup d'etat of Skhirat in 1971 , he became the minis- 
ter of defense and was promoted to major general of the army. 

He is remembered for his brutal repression of the 1965 riots of 
Casablanca and was accused and convicted in the adduction and pre- 
sumed later death of Mehdi Ben Barka. This latter event led to a cool- 
ing in Franco-Moroccan relations until the end of the decade. In the 
COUp manque of 1971, Oufkir, who was present in Skhirat, was not 
accused of complicity and was responsible for the rounding up of 

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various people implicated in the coup. In the second abortive coup in 
1972, the pilots implicated Oufkir, and he is said to have died from 
self-inflicted multiple wounds to the body on 17 August 1972. He is 
buried in his native village, Ain Cha'ir. See also MOUVEMENT 




PASTORAL NOMADISM . Historically, Berbers were almost entirely 
nomadic peoples until the modern times ushered in by colonialism. 
Although some groups practiced semipastoral nomadism and engaged 
in seasonal and flood-based agriculture, the pastoral economy was 
supplemented by trading, raiding, escorting services, and above all 
herding. The herds were composed mainly of sheep, goats, and 
camels. Because of the diversity of the ecology of Berber country, 
modes of pastoral nomadism varied from one region to another. Some 
groups practiced transhumance, or seasonal migration, between high 
and low lands, while others tended to concentrate around wells or 
other points of water, such as springs and ponds . The Ait Atta of south- 
ern Morocco and some Tuareg groups are good examples of these 
pastoral nomadic strategies. This way of life was (and still is in some 
areas) a constant battle for survival in arid and semiarid zones, known 
for their highly variable rainfall and recurrent cycles of drought. Al- 
though limited by the scarcity of water and pasture, nomads have de- 
veloped coping mechanisms in the form of using multiple subsistence 
strategies combining agriculture and herding to contain risk and mak- 
ing a living in lands with little or no rain at all. Nomads have also de- 
veloped sophisticated cognitive skills about sense of direction, knowl- 
edge of the stars, and funds of ecological knowledge of desert and 
mountain landscapes. Furthermore, because of conflict over mainte- 
nance and management of scarce resources, nomads have been asso- 
ciated with the presence of maraboutic lodges and saints to keep law 
and order over contested water and pasture resources. 

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From the 1960s to the present, many groups have abandoned pas- 
toral nomadism partly because a series of droughts has destroyed 
their herds and also because of the expansion of economic and ad- 
ministrative infrastructure made necessary by the plans to explore 
and exploit mineral resource and opportunities to receive drought re- 
lief, education, and above all wage labor in villages and small towns. 
Moreover, following the devastating droughts of the 1960s, most 
governments launched sedentarization programs and established 
agricultural villages for drought-stricken nomads throughout Berber 
land. Today, with the exception of pastoral nomads in naturally en- 
dowed areas with reliable water and pasture, pastoral nomadism has 
almost ceased in the great Sahara, and most nomads have settled 
down either in villages and towns or in refugee camps, as in the case 
of some Tuareg groups in Mali, Niger, and Algeria. 

In general, pastoral-nomadic social organization is based on what 
anthropologists call the segmentary lineage model. The notion of 
segmentation stresses the fact that order and peace are maintained not 
by specialized agencies or institutions of a state but by the balanced 
opposition that unites forces and alliances in case of external threats. 
Such societies are divided into groups, which in turn further divide. 
All groups at the same level of segmentation are in balanced opposi- 
tion, and this ensures that there will be groups in balanced opposition 
that can be mobilized in times of conflict. Another essential charac- 
teristic of pastoral-nomadic societies is the presence of the saints, like 
the Shorfa and the Murabitin Arabs, putative descendants of the 
Prophet and the holy saints, who mediate and resolve conflict over 
water and pasture resources. The elementary social unit of analysis is 
the household or tdkdt, and a number of households form what is 
called an igezdu. Households belong to lineages, or ighsan. The 
ighram or village, may shelter different lineages and often trace 
their genealogy to a common ancestor. Lineages are parts of clans, 
and a number of clans make up the tdqbilt (tribe). Tribes, in turn, 
form confederations. The Ait Yaflman of the eastern H igh Atlas is a 
good example of a confederated group. See dlso AGDAL. 


QADIRIYA. The most important Muslim religious brotherhood 
(tdriqd) in much of Niger, including the Tuareg. It was established 

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by Abdelkader al-Jilani (1077-1166) in Baghdad and disseminated to 
Morocco in the 1450s. The brotherhood was popular in Zinder, 
Tahoua, and Agadez but lost ground in the 1920s to the Tijaniya 
brotherhood. Its current strongholds are Zinder and Agadez, and it is 
prevalent among the Tuareg. See also ISLAM; ZAWIYA. 


RAHM ANIYA. This is a religious brotherhood established at the end 
of the 18th century in Kabylia by Mohammed v Abd al-Rahman (d. 
1793) of the Ait SmaTil, a tribe in the Jurjura Mountains. He began 
his religious studies in Algiers and continued them at the Al-Azhar 
school in Cairo, where became deeply engaged in mystical doctrine 
and practice and also joined an Egyptian brotherhood. A legend has 
it that a miracle doubled his dead body, one being taken away by the 
Turks and buried at a place near Algiers and the other one remaining 
in his tomb at the brotherhood's lodge, hence his surname Abu 
Qabrayn (the man with the two tombs). 

It was the Rahmaniya head, Mohammed Amzian Ibn al-Haddad, 
and his son al- v Aziz who in 1871 proclaimed jihad against the French 
intruders and started the most tenacious of the many Kabyle tribal in- 
surrections. After its suppression by the French, al-"Aziz was sent 
into exile, and he escaped and settled in Jeddah (Saudi Arabia). Nev- 
ertheless, the Rahmaniya branched out further under various names 
into Algeria, Tunisia, and the oases throughout the Sahara Desert. See 

TIE (RCD). This is a secular Berber party born out of the Mouve- 
ment Culturel Berbere (MCB) in Algeria. It was founded by a human 
rights activist and former Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS) mem- 
ber, Said Saidi, in February 1989, two weeks after the national refer- 
endum on the authorization of a multiparty system. Because of its 
formation date, many analysts believe that the RCD was midwifed by 
government authorities to counterbalance the weight of the recently 
legalized Berber-based party Front des Forces Socialistes. 

The RCD was formed as a Berber political party, focusing on 
Berber cultural and linguistic rights as well as broader democratiza- 
tion and human rights issues. The RCD and the FFS formed the 

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Mouvement Culturel Berbere (MCB) as an umbrella organization un- 
der which the two parties work on joint action to defend Berber 
rights. In 1999, the RCD joined the government, becoming the first 
postindependence Berber-dominated party to participate in a coali- 
tion government. While this may appear as a positive step in the di- 
rection of integrating the Berber dimension in Algerian politics, the 
RCD has proved to be infective in pushing forward Berber linguistic 
and cultural rights. Additionally, in the 1980s and 1990s, the Alger- 
ian regime faced the challenges of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS; 
an Islamist movement) and other Islamic parties that hampered 
progress on Berber issues. 

Said Saidi took part in the presidential election of November 1995. 
The RCD condemned the November 1996 constitutional change that 
privileges "Arab-Islamic values" (Islam as "the state religion" and Ara- 
bic as the only official language of the land and a prohibition of polit- 
ical parties founded on religious, linguistic, associative, or regionalist 
values) and discriminates against Berber language and culture. 

In contrast to the FSS's reluctant moves in the Algerian political 
process, the RCD took part in municipal and parliamentary elections 
and backed the military's eradication of Islamists until April 2001 
when the government gendarmes gunned down and murdered 
demonstrations and innocent bystanders in Kabylia Since then, 
however, the party has joined in condemning the actions of the 
regime. The most recent legislative elections, the first since the mili- 
tary coup of 1992, were held in June 1997. The RCD won 19 seats 
out of a 380-member National People's Assembly (al majlis al cha x bi 
al watani). 

REFUGEES. The causes of the Tuareg refugee problems reside in the 
wider context of the profound and, in many ways, catastrophic social, 
political, economic, and environmental changes that had affected the 
area for several decades prior to the refugee exodus. The result has 
been a progressive disruption of the fragile agropastoralist equilib- 
rium on which the livelihood of the area depends. The destabilization 
of Tuareg historical territories was the long-term consequence of 
three main factors. First, French colonial rule and the subsequent rise 
of nation-states in the Saharan weakened the Tuareg tribes and ended 
their control of the trans-Saharan caravan trade that had been a major 

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source of income for them. Second, the environmental degradation 
brought about by 25 years of low rainfall between 1965 and 1990 
worsened into the disastrous droughts of 1973 and 1984 and further 
destroyed the traditional livelihood of pastoral nomads. Finally, there 
was the marginalization of northern regions of Mali and Niger by the 
Malian and Nigerian governments in the years following indepen- 
dence in 1960. While northern regions comprise about 70 percent of 
the two countries' territories, they are home to only 10 percent of 
their populations, and government investment in these vast regions 
remained negligible to nonexistent. 

The consequence of these factors led to the emergence of militant 
opposition, particularly among certain groups of young men in the 
Tuareg areas of the far northeast (Kidal and Menaka) who came to 
be known as ishumar (jobless). In 1963, the first rebellion in Kidal 
was harshly put down and led to the imposition of military rule in the 
area. The much more well-organized rebellions of 1990s, sparked by 
a parallel uprising in northern Niger, was spearheaded by Tuareg 
combatants who had earlier migrated to Libya in search of work and 
received military training there. The fighting led to the flight of some 
150,000 persons from Mali to Algeria, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, and 
Niger between 1990 and 1994. 

Currently, there are approximately 68 ,000 assisted Tuareg refugees 
in Burkina Faso and Mauritania and about 100,000 in Algeria from 
Mali and Niger. Tuareg refugee populations face three pressing and 
interrelated problematic issues. The first involves the urgent need for 
an assessment of the refugee resettlement programs, especially the 
extent to which the grievances and causes of the Tuareg rebellions 
of the 1990s have been addressed. The second is the prevailing inse- 
curity spurred by the spillover of Algeria's Islamic struggles and pol- 
itics into Tuareg territories. The third is the rise of banditry, war- 
lordism, and smuggling of illegal goods across the Sahara, especially 
cigarettes, hard drugs, and arms, and the trafficking of illegal mi- 
grants to Europe. The "no-man's-land" image could potentially be 
the major problem facing Tuareg populations and refugees as mount- 
ing insecurity is increasing people's perceptions and fears that the 
causes that led to the Tuareg rebellions in the 1990s in Mali and 
Niger may resurface. See also PASTORAL NOMADISM; TUAREG 

06- 279 G- R. qxd 6/ 22/ 06 8: 55 AM Page 

106 • RIF 

RIF. The Arabic term rif is a geographical notion that refers to the 
northern zone of Morocco formerly under Spanish and international 
control. It is an area of about 20,000 square kilometers, stretching in 
width from the Strait of Gibraltar to Oued Lukus and in length from 
the Atlantic coast to Oued Moulouya. People of the Rif region rec- 
ognize three main confederations as well as territorial divisions: Rif, 
Ghommara, and Sanhaja. They also recognize a territory known as 
Jbala, the Arabic word for "mountains or hills people." 

In the Rif, people of the Atlantic shore are called "Igharbiyen 
(westerners). To the west and southwest of the Rif is the Northern 
Sanhaja, which is composed of Berber-speaking Sanhaja Sghir or 
Little Sanhaja and the Arabophone Sanhaja. The Sanhaja confedera- 
tion is composed of 10 tribes: Ktama, Ait Seddath, Bani Gmil, Aith 
Kannus, Taghzut, Aith Bu Nasr, Banu Bou Shibat, Bani Hmid, Aith 
Bachir, and Zarqat. On the southern slope of the Rif Mountains are 
two other Sanhaja confederations, Sanhaja Ghaddu and Sanhaja 
Musbah, but these groups no longer speak Berber and have little con- 
tact with the Sanhaja of the northern zone. Furthermore, Bani Bu 
Frah and Bani Yittuft are usually regarded as Rifian, although they 
have almost lost Berber speech. Mtiwa and Mistasa are disclaimed by 
both Rifians and Ghommara, and they may be descendants of immi- 
grants or exiles. Targuist is another special case, as its cultural affili- 
ation is obscured by the presence of holy families, alleged descen- 
dants of the Prophet who encouraged a shift from Berber to Arabic 
speech. The limits of the Rif are more difficult to trace. Sanhaja and 
Ghommara generally view all tribes to the east of them as Rifian, but 
among the Aith Yahya and other tribes of the Kart and Moulouya val- 
leys, this name applies to the tribes of the Oued Nkur watershed. This 
is a zone of transition between the "True Rif (Aith Waryaghar, Ib- 
buquyen, Aith Ammarth, Igznayen, Aith Tuzin, and Thimsaman) and 
the eastern frontier of the northern zone. There are two additional mi- 
nor confederations within the eastern Rifian group: Iqar'ayen and 
Garet. However, the Ouled Stut are intrusive Arab Bedouins, like the 
Khult or mixed population of the Atlantic coast. 

The Ghommara, whose territory extends along the Mediterranean 
coast from Oued Uringa to Oued Lao, consist of about nine tribes 
(Banu Bu Zran, Bani Mansur, Baun Khalid, Bani Sliman, Bani 
Siyyat, Bani Zejal, Bani Rzin, Bani Grir, and Bani Smih) and are sep- 

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RIF REVOLT (1957-1959) • 107 

arated from Sanhaja by the main mountain crest. Only a few villages 
of Bani Bu Zra and Bani Mansur retain Berber speech. Tradition has 
it that these tribes are descendants of the nine sons of an immigrant 
schoolteacher named Aghmir, believed to have migrated from the 
Sous or Saguia al Hamra region in southern Morocco. In sum, the 
eastern half of the northern zone (Rif and Garet) retains Berber 
speech, whereas the western half (Jbala and Ghommara) has been 

In northern Morocco, three variants of the Berber language are 
spoken: Rifian, Sanhajan, and Ghmara. Rifian or Tarifith is by far the 
most important, and it varies somewhat from one area to another. 
Sanhajan speech is close to Rifian, and the difference between the 
two is probably as great as that between Spanish and Portuguese. The 
Ghmara speech is almost extinct and is spoken only in Bani Bu Zra 
and in a few villages of Bani Mansur and Bani Grir. See dlso AL- 

RIF REVOLT (1957-1959). After Moroccan independence, especially 
from 1957 to 1959, Rifian Berbers rose up to protest postindepen- 
dence government policies of marginalization and neglect of north- 
ern Morocco. The revolts were ignited by the closure of the Algerian 
border to Rifian migration, leading to total unemployment and the 
lack of political representation at the level of the Moroccan govern- 
ment. In the midst of this discontent and disenchantment with the ex- 
clusionist attitudes of the Istiqlal (independence) Party (a nationalist 
and Arabist party) toward all things considered Berber, a disgruntled 
member of the Aith Waryaghar and head of the local Parti Democra- 
tique pour l'lndependence (PDI), Muhammad nj-Hajj Sillam n-Muh 
Amzzyan, emerged to present the grievances of the Rifian Berbers to 
the Rabat government. On 11 November 1958, Amzzyan and two 
other members of the Aith Waryaghar, Abd Sadaq Sharrat Khattabi 
and Abdelkarim al-Khattabi's son Rachid, submitted an 18-point pro- 
gram for the Rif to King Mohammed V. This program addressed 
many concerns of the Rifian population, ranging from the evacuation 
of foreign troops from Morocco and the return of al-Khattabi Ab- 
delkarim to Morocco to the creation of jobs and political represen- 
tation to tax reductions and rapid Arabization of education for all Mo- 

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1 08 • SAMLALI AL-, ABU HASSOUN 'ALI (?-1 659) 

However, by the time this program had been presented to the king, 
the Rif revolt had already been under way for almost three weeks. On 
25 October 1958, the Ben Hadifa offices of the Istiqlal Party as well 
as those of Imzuren were stormed, and government soldiers were 
overpowered. It was at this point that the uprising took the form of a 
real revolt, reminding the authorities of Abdelkarim al-Khattabi's 
earlier independence movement. To put down the Rifian revolt, the 
neophyte Royal Army, under the leadership of then Crown Prince 
Moulay Hassan, dealt the Ai'th Waryaghar a cruel punishment. By the 
end of January 1959, the Ai'th Waryaghar were brutally repressed, and 
they came down from the mountains strongholds with resentment 
just as their fathers and grandfathers had done in the 1920s when Ab- 
delkarim al-Khattabi surrendered to the combined colonial forces of 
France and Spain. The brutal repression of the Rif 's revolt may sug- 
gest the reasons for Abdelkarim al-Khattabi's refusal to return to Mo- 
rocco after independence. After the defeat of the Ai'th Waryaghar, the 
Rif was subjected to military rule for a few years, and perhaps the 
most ruinous legacy of this uprising was the complete official neglect 
and marginalization of the area of insurrection by Moroccan author- 
ities over the past five decades, resulting in its underdevelopment and 
pressing its population to emigrate to Europe. 


SAMLALI AL-,ABU HASSOUN ALI (7-1659). He was popularly 
known as Abu Hassoun of the Illigh zawiya in the Sous, and he was 
also called the emir of the Sous region. He was one of the most 
prominent saints of in the last years of the Sa'diyin dynasty (1520- 
1660). He was a member of the Samlala clan— one of the branches of 
the Jazula tribe, the same from which had come forth two centuries 
earlier the great mystical teacher al-J azuli — and was born in the 
coastal town of Massa in southern Sous. 

There is little information about al-Samlali's early life and career. 
When his name appears in history, he had already gained spiritual and 
political authority in the Sous region. Abu Hassoun's respected line- 
age, coupled with clever political maneuvering, gained him a large 
number of followers against his two main rivals: Abu Mahalli of the 

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SANHAJA • 109 

Draa valley and Yahya al-Hahi, a marabout of the Sous in alliance 
with the Sa'diyin dynasty. By 1630, he became the undisputed ruler 
of the south, with Illigh the capital of a principality replacing 
Sa'diyin authority. His dominance was based on the control of the 
caravan trade, the gold trade, and a military force supplied with arms 
by European traders, especially the Dutch. 

After he eliminated his rivals in the Sous and established his 
power, Abu Hassoun carried his preaching and jihad deep into the 
Draa valley and occupied Sijilmassa. His attempt to take hold of the 
Tafilalet oases brought him into collision with the Dila Zdwiyd and 
the Alawite family who had settled there since the middle of the 13th 
century and refused to give ground. The conflict was appeased 
through intervention of the Dila brotherhood but broke out and ended 
with al-Samlali's departure from the Tafilalet and Draa oases. His ad- 
versary, the Alawite Moulay v Ali al-Sharif, who soon afterward fell 
into his hands, was kept for some time in honorable captivity and was 
finally released for a significant ransom. In 1641, Moulay Ali al 
Sharif's son, Muhammad, had himself proclaimed sultan and chased 
Abu Hassoun from Tafilalet. Al-Samlali built up territories and 
formed a body politic extending over the greater part of the Anti-At- 
las and the plain of Sous. He sustained a strong caravan trade with 
Sudan and the Senegal and was also engaged in profitable overseas 
commercial relations from the port of Massa with England and Hol- 
land. By 1670, Moulay Rachid managed to put an end to the Samlali 
independent kingdom of the Sous, paving the way for the ascendance 
of the Alawite dynasty. 

SAN H AJ A . This is the name of one of the great historic Berber family 
of tribes. As early as the third century, some of their branches, such 
as the Hawwara, Lawata, Lamtuna, Massufa, and Guddala, seem to 
have migrated and slowly penetrated into the Sahara Desert. Gradu- 
ally, the Sanhaja advanced into Mauritania and spread further into 
Sudan and the region of the Niger. Converted to Islam, they carried 
their belief systems among the peoples under their rule. 

In Mauritania, the Massufa and the Lamtuna united with other small 
groups all belonging to the so-called Mulaththamun, or veil wearers, 
setting up a tribal kingdom that from the first quarter of the ninth cen- 
tury until the start of the 10th constituted a stabilizing force in the desert 

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society, controlling and policing the caravan trade to the Atlantic and 
Mediterranean ports. Soon afterward, these efforts led to the rise of the 
Almohad Empire amidst the Sanhaja tribes of Guddala and Lamtuna. 
Other groups, such as the Jazula, Lamta, and Haskura, while re- 
maining nomads or in early stages of transition to a semisedentary 
mode of life, migrated into the plains of the Moroccan coasts of the 
Sous region. Others moved northeastward onto the slopes of the 
M iddle Atlas and the Rif. Still others occupied the oases around Si- 
jilmassa, later turned eastward and spread over the present-day Al- 
gerian region of Constantine, where in the 10th century the Kutama 
tribe became a pillar of the rising of the Fatimid dynasty. The name 
of the Kutama disappeared, but their descendants, the Kabyles. con- 
stitute an active element in the intellectual and political life of mod- 
ern Algeria. From the Algerian Sanhaja emerged the Zirid dynasty, 
which reigned from the end of the 10th century until the middle of the 
12th. Of Sanhaja blood, too, was a second dynasty in northern Alge- 
ria and Tunisia, the Hammadids. 

SANUSIYYA. Muslim religious brotherhood (tariqa) inspired by the 
militant Wahaabi teachings of a return to the simple and pure way of 
life of early Islam. The Sanusiyya was strongly represented among 
the Arab and Berber peoples in Cyrenaica, Libya. Its founder, Sayyid 
Mohammed Ibn v Ali al-Sannusi, descended from a Berber family in 
Algeria, studied at several religious academies in North Africa, then 
went to Mecca, where he established tenets of his own and gathered 
his first disciples. He left Mecca in 1834 with a group of adepts and 
settled in the southern slopes of the Jbal al-Akhdar in Cyrenaica, 
from where his missionaries carried his words all over the desert into 
the villages of the oases and among the nomadic population. In the 
early 1900s, the Sanusiyya order called for a jihad against foreign 
colonization, against the Italians, the British, and the French. In 195 1 , 
after independence from Italy, Libya became a federal monarchy 
with Sayyid Mohammed Idris al-Sanusi, head of the Sanusiyya 
brotherhood, as its first king. He was overthrown by Mu'ammar 
Gadhafi in 1969. See also KAOUCEN. 

SI J I L M ASSA . This is the name of the medieval trans-Saharan trade en- 
trepot, founded near what is Rissani today in southern Morocco. This 

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SIWA • 1 1 1 

name, though, used in scholarly and literary works, fell out of common 
currency and was replaced by Tafilalet. The Banu M idrar or Banu 
Wasul established the city of Sijilmassa in 757 as a trade entrepot as 
well as a platform to proselytize Berbers and the Sudan into Islam. 
They are M aknassa who are said to have participated in the Sufrite 
(Kharijism) revolt of 739-740 in Tangier. Under the leadership of Abu 
al-Qasim Samku ben Wasul, they settled in the oasis of Tafilalet, and 
later they were joined by other Sufrite fugitives from the north. At the 
end of the eighth century, Sijilmassa became a Muslim capital city af- 
ter it acquired a city wall having 12 gates and a large Friday mosque. 
According to historical accounts, its population was cosmopolitan, 
made of veiled Sanhaja Berbers, Haratine, Jews, and Andalusians as 
well as Berbers and Arabs from various parts of North African and the 
Middle East. In 976, Banu Midrar's control over Sijilmassa collapsed 
as the city was conquered by the ally of the Umayyad of Spain, 
Khazrun Ben Fulful, chief of the M aghrawa tribe. 

Sijilmassa is known for its historical role in the trans-Saharan gold 
trade with ancient Ghana. From the 11th to the 14th centuries, trans- 
Saharan trade was regulated and attracted Arab, Muslim, and Jewish 
merchants from the east and Muslim Spain. Gold was transported 
north to Sijilmassa and then west to Fes, and during this period Sijil- 
massa had a mint that issued its first coins in 947. By the 15th cen- 
tury, the city had lost much of its trade traffic as its routes became 
vulnerable to pillaging from unallied Arab and Berber tribes. By the 
end of the 16th century, the region declined as trans-Saharan trade 
shifted to western routes using the Draa valley-Marrakech route. In 
1511 , internal conflicts as well as fresh Banu Ma'qil Arab tribe inva- 
sions quickened the collapse of the city, whose inhabitants sought 
refuge in surrounding villages. These villages were referred to col- 
lectively as Qsabi Sijilmassa (villages of Sijilmassa) even though the 
original medieval town of Sijilmassa had disappeared. See dlso 

SIWA. In Berber, the name "Siwa" means "prey bird and protector of 
sun god Amon-Ra." It is derived from the name of the indigenous in- 
habitants, Tiswan, who speak Tassiwit, a dialect related to Berber 
spoken in the Sahara and North Africa. Siwa is one of the most arid 
oases in western Egypt near the border of Libya at a depression of 18 

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112 • SIWA 

meters below sea level, and it is 300 kilometers southwest of the 
Mediterranean port city of Marsa Matruh. The oasis is 82 kilome- 
ters long and has a width ranging between 2 and 20 kilometers. The 
oasis was occupied since Paleolithic and Neolithic times. It was 
first mentioned more than 2,500 years ago in the records of the 
pharaohs of the Middle and New Kingdoms (2050-1800 B.C. and 
1570-1090 B.C.). 

In its historical development, Siwa was an important center of 
Egyptian culture. A temple was built there to honor the ram-headed 
sun god Amon-Ra, and it housed a divine oracle whose fame, by 
about 700 B.C., was widespread in the eastern Mediterranean. The 
temple of the oracle where Alexander was received can still be seen 
on the hill of Aghurmi, the old capital of Siwa. King Cambyses of 
Persia, son of Cyrus the Great and conqueror of Egypt, held a grudge 
against the oracle, probably because it had predicted that his con- 
quests in Africa would soon falter— as indeed they did. In 524 B.C., 
Cambyses dispatched from Luxor an army of 50,000 men to destroy 
the Siwan oracle— a dispersion of forces that he could ill afford on 
his way to capture Ethiopia. The entire army vanished without a 
trace, buried in the seas of sand between Siwa and the inner-Egypt- 
ian oases, and no sign of it has been found even to this day. 

While the Amun oasis was isolated to resist conversion to Islam, 
it did acquire a new name. The Arabs called it Santariya after the 
groves of acacia trees. The Santariyans fought off all attempts to 
bring them under central control. In the mid- 19th century, the history 
of the oasis and its families was compiled in a scholarly document 
called the Siwan M anuscript, which was held by one family and up- 
dated until the 1960s. The manuscript was written by Abu Musallim, 
a qadi, or judge, who had been trained at the al-Azhar University in 
Cairo. The Siwan people are mostly Berbers, the indigenous people 
who once roamed the North African coast between Tunisia and Mo- 
rocco. They inhabited the area as early as 10,000 B.C., first moving 
toward the coast but later inland as conquering powers pushed them 
to take refuge in the desert. Most of the information on Siwa avail- 
able to us today comes from the Siwan M anuscript, begun more than 
one hundred years ago. It includes a summary of information from 
medieval Arab chroniclers as well as the oral traditions of Siwa it- 

06- 279 S- Z. qxd 6/22/06 8:55 AM Pagel^: 

sous • 1 1 3 

The population of the oasis is about 35,000, most of whom reside 
in the town of Siwa. Siwans still retain their own Berber dialect, 
which is related to Berber as spoken in the Sahara and North Africa. 
Siwa's economy is based on irrigated crops, date palms and olive 
trees, and livestock. There are at least 250,000 palm trees and at least 
30,000 olive trees in the oasis. Most other Mediterranean fruits and 
vegetables are also grown, as are large quantities of alfalfa for the 
livestock and for export. In 1986, a daily bus service began on the 
new road between Siwa and Marsa Matruh, and oil exploration and 
army encampments have led to the infusion of many outsiders. The 
area is also famous for its springs , of which there are approximately 
1,000. The water is sweet and is said to have medicinal properties. 
The oasis is also a major desert tourism destination. 

SM AY M . This term refers to the forty days between 12 July and 20 Au- 
gust and forms the period of smaym, or the great heat. It is a time of 
omens and fortune-telling about the weather with reference chiefly to 
the question of whether the agricultural year will be good or bad. 

SOUS. The name Sous is derived from a river valley in southwestern 
Morocco around the city of Agadir. known as Oued Sous. The Sous 
region is located to the west of the Oued Draa, north of the Sahara, 
and south of the Atlas Mountains and is bordered on the west by the 
Atlantic Ocean. Inhabitants of this region are called Susi or Swasa, 
and they are also known as Shleuh, or "those who speak the Berber 
dialect Tashalhit." The region in which Tashalhit is spoken consists 
of all the Anti- and High Atlas Mountains stretching from the At- 
lantic coast eastward to Demnat and Skoura as well as part of the Sa- 
hara and the deep south of Morocco. 

The core tribes of the Sous are the Ammiln, Amanouz, Igouman, 
Tasserist, Ida ou Samlal, Ida ou Baqil, Ait Souab, Ida ou Guendif, Ait 
B aha, Ait Mzal, Ida ou Ktir, Ida ou Zekri, and Ait Abdellah. They are 
sedentary village dwellers who practiced in their resource-poor val- 
leys pastoral nomadism, intensive agriculture, and arboriculture. 
Historically, Swasa specialized in religious learning and filled many 
positions as prayer leaders and Quranic schoolteachers (tdlebs) 
throughout Morocco. Since the late 1880s, Swasa have left their dry, 
resource-poor valleys to pursue commercial activities in major urban 

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114 • SOUSSI AL-, MOHAMED AL-MOKHTAR (1900-1963) 

centers of Morocco and Algeria (Oran), and in so doing they were 
projected into the heart of a growing market economy and nationwide 
and regional distribution system. By the end of World War II, there 
were major enclaves of Swasa in major Moroccan cities, and also by 
this time they shifted from the position of grocers to moden shop 
owners and managers. Today, they constitute a dynamic entrepre- 
neurial segment of the Moroccan population, and their accumulated 
capitalist know-how is well illustrated in the emergence of a solid fi- 
nancial, commercial, and industrial Swasa elite. This elite has also 
been very successful in playing a key role in the major economic and 
political transformations that Morocco witnessed during and after 
French colonialism. See also MOZABITES. 


renowned thinker (a//m) of Islam, a Sufi, and a nationalist, al-Soussi 
was born in the village of High in Dou-gadir, located in the Tafraout 
district. Al-Soussi, as his name indicates, was educated in the semi- 
naries and Quranic schools of the Sufi lodges in the Sous region, then 
later was mentored by prominent sheikhs and scholars in mosque uni- 
versities and institutes in Marrakech, Fes, and Rabat. His father was 
the sheikh of the renowned Sufi Zawiya Darqawiyya, and at the age 
of eight he memorized the Qur'an by heart. He was also influenced 
by Salafi religious scholars as well as secular nationalists. In 1926, he 
joined forces with Moroccan nationalists and was engaged in politi- 
cal organizing against the French Protectorate. Between 1937 and 
1952, his political activism cost him several years of house arrest in 
his native village, and he was also exiled in Tafilalet. After indepen- 
dence in 1956, he became minister of Islamic affairs and later was 
nominated to the Consultative Council of the Royal Court and was 
appointed judge of the Royal Palaces until his death. 

Al-Soussi was a prolific writer, and his works reflect his scholarly 
journey as well as a wide range of themes, ranging from the history 
and ethnography of Sous and its Sufi lodges and learning centers 
through Islamic law and practices to national historiography. He au- 
thored about 20 publications, some of which were published posthu- 
mously, and he left behind around 30 or more manuscripts. His well- 
known works include Sous al-'allma (1960), Arrisalatan 
al-Bouna'maniyya wa al-Shawqiyya (1960), Al-Tiryaq al-Madaoui fi 

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Akhbar Al-Sheikh al-Haj Ali Al-Soussi al-Darqaoui (i960), Munyat 
ai-MutataiiVin ila min fi al-zawiyya Al-llighiyya mina al-Fuqara' al- 
Munqati^in (1961), Asfa al-Mawarid fi Tahdhibi al-rihla al-Hijaziyya 
li-Sheikh al-Walid (1961), Min Afwahi ai-Rijal (10 vols., 1962), ai- 
Ma'sul (20 vols., 1963), khiiaia j azouia (4 vols., l963),/W-///sf/i/yat 
(3 vols., 1963), 'A/a Qimmati al-Arbaln (1963), Bayna al-Jumudwa 
al-Juhud, High Qadiman wa Hadithan (1966), Mu^taqal ai-Sahara 
(1982), Hawla Ma'idati al-Ghada' (1983), Taqatu Rihan min Raw- 
datal-Afnan (1984), M adaris Sous al-^Atiqa: nidhamuha wa Asatid- 
hatuha (1987), Rijalat ai- 7/m ai-'Arabi fi Souss (1989), and ai-Ma- 
jmu^a al-Fiqhiyya fi al-Fatawi al-Soussiyya (1995). He died in an 
accident in 1963 and was buried in the Martyrs Cemetery in Rabat. 

TADDA. This term refers to the institution of alliance formation be- 
tween segments of the same tribe or two different tribes. It implies 
mutual aid and trust and guaranteed safe passage and hospitality 
among the participants. The term tadda is derived from the verb tadd, 
which means to nurse in Tamazight, and it involves a ceremony of 
colactation. The participants exchanged milk that was obtained from 
nursing mothers of the respective groups involved. Its major function 
is the control of theft and adultery, violations of which are believed 
to be punished through supernatural forces (tunant). 

TA F I L A L E T . Tafilalet designates the geographical and cultural area of 
southeastern Morocco until independence. After that, the area was 
named Ksar Es-Souk Province, which changed later into the present 
Errachidia Province. Its history was tied to the fortunes and misfor- 
tunes of the medieval city-state of Sijilmassa. whose economy was 
based on trans-Saharan caravan trade. Today, Tafilalet is limited to 
the urban center of Rissani and its surrounding villages and palm 

Medieval Arab geographers describe the oasis as an area of fertile 
lands, plentiful dates, lush greenery, and a sophisticated level of ur- 
banization and architecture emulating and rivaling those of Moorish 
Spain and China. Sijilmassa's trans-Saharan caravan trade between 

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the eighth and ninth centuries made the oasis the favorite trade des- 
tination of Moorish and J ewish groups attracted by speculation 
and high profits generated by an unequal trade exchange with Su- 
dan: slaves and gold exchanged for salt, wool, cloth, arms, and 

At the beginning of the 17th century and as Europeans powers di- 
verted much of the trans-Saharan trade to the coastal areas , Tafilalet 
became a focal site for control, as the early founders of the ruling 
Alawite dynasty were caught in competition with the Illigh and Dila 
religious brotherhoods over the control of the Moroccan terminus of 
the Tafilalet trade routes. These events eventually led to the rise of the 
Alawite dynasty. In 1606, Sultan Moulay Zidan took refuge in Tafi- 
lalet and, using gold he acquired there, raised an army and managed 
to conquer Marrakech. In 1910, Abu Mahalli raised an army in Tafi- 
lalet and managed to take over Marrakech in 1912. However, Sidi 
Yahya, saint of the Taroudant in the SOUS region, chased Abu Ma- 
halla, killed him, and liberated the city for the sultan. By 1622, Tafi- 
lalet was still insubordinate and had to be put under control by the 
Moulay Zidan in a repressive campaign that lasted four months. By 
1630, trans-Saharan trade was becoming more profitable, and the 
Shorfa Arabs began to unite under the leadership of Moulay Ali Al 
Sharif. At the start, they were challenged by the Dila religious broth- 
erhoods and Ait Atta but called on the assistance of al-Samlali of the 
Illigh zaMtya. The Illigh Zdwiyd responded with an army but instead 
decided to conquer the region rather than bring aid to the emerging 
Alawite dynasty. By 1640, the Illigh forces were driven out of the re- 

In 1669, the Alawites were finally able to capture Marrakech. Tafi- 
lalet's theater of action among the Alawites — the declining Sa'diyin 
dynasty, the Illigh, and the Dila— reflects its economic significance 
in the 17th century. With the success of the Alawites, Tafilalet 
eclipsed the Draa as the region from which the ruling dynasty origi- 
nated. In later centuries, trans-Saharan trade became less important as 
the Alawite dynasty put in a place a taxation system. With the occu- 
pation of Algeria by France in the nineteenth century, Tafilalet and 
the Algerian-Moroccan frontier became exposed to French military 
encroachment. By the end of 19th century, almost all the city oases 
southeast of Tafilalet came under French control. In 1932, the French, 

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TAHART • 117 

after several battles with the Ait Atta, conquered Tafilalet and its sur- 

Tafilalet is the largest single oasis in Morocco, given life by the Ziz 
and Ghris rivers that converge on it. The oasis covers an area of about 
375 square kilometers, and it has a population of about 90,000. It is 
inhabited by Ait Atta, holy and common Arabs, and the H aratine. Its 
mixed economy is based on pastoral nomadism and on irrigated cul- 
tivation of date palms with a variety of crops, such as cereals, fruit 
trees, and vegetables. In recent decades, emigration plus tourism 
and the development of modern irrigated agriculture have signifi- 
cantly altered the social and ecological landscape of the region. The 
Haratine population, who for centuries composed a landless group, 
have began to purchase land and even be elected to public office, and 
the Arab and Berber notability has been slowly losing its traditional 
economic, social, and political domination. 

TAG U E L M U ST. The taguelmoust, or alechcho , is the traditional veil 
worn by the Tuareg. It is a piece of Sudanese indigo-dyed cloth, 1 .50 
to 4 meters long and 0.25 to 0.50 meters wide, wrapped around the 
head and across the face. It is a dominant symbol of Tuareg identity 
as expressed in their self-designation as Kel Taguelmoust, meaning 
literally "the people of the veil." It is worn by all adult men in Tuareg 
society, and all men wear it from puberty for the remainder of their 
lives, and the adolescent boy's first wearing of the veil marks the pas- 
sage of the boy into manhood. For the remainder of his life, he will 
rarely be unveiled either when traveling alone or even when sleeping. 
Women, however, do not put on the veil but rather a head cloth, 
which is also taken in puberty. 

TAHART. The city-state of Tahart was founded by v Abd al-Rahman 
Ibn Rustum, an imam of the Ibadithe sect and one of the most mod- 
erate branches of the heterodox Kharijite doctrine. From 776 to 908, 
the Rustumid reigned over Tahart. Welcomed by the Ibadithe com- 
munities of western Algeria, mainly Berbers of the Zanata group, 
Ibn Rustum rebuilt the old settlement of Tahart (near present-day 
Tiaret), about 225 kilometers southwest of Algiers. For over 130 
years, Tahart remained the religious and intellectual focus of Khari- 
jism in the western regions of North Africa. Tahart meant more than 

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the spiritual leadership of a sect and of theological speculation. 
Tahart was also a market with a regional significance. Located in the 
midst of a fertile agricultural zone at the crossroads of several cara- 
van roads, it developed a flourishing trade in the hands of a mixed 
population: Berbers from all over North Africa between Tripolitania 
and the Atlantic coast of Morocco, Arabs from every part of the east, 
Sunni as well as followers of various Shiite shades, and also some 
Christians who refused conversion to Islam. 

The city was destroyed under the assault of the Kutama mountain 
tribes led by Abu ^Abd Allah al-Shfi, the founder of the Fatimid dy- 
nasty. Consequently, a number of the inhabitants emigrated and 
joined the Ibadithe settlement in Sadrata near Ouargala, trying to 
bring Tahart back to new life there, but Sadrata, too, was conquered 
by the Hainmadids toward the end of the 11th century. After many 
failed attempts, most of the people sought refuge in the desolate, 
stony highland of Shabka, where the Ibadithe community has sur- 
vived in the Oued Mzab down to this day, known as M ozabites. 

TAMANRASSET. A city of about 60,000 people and the capital of the 
Tamanrasset wilayd or departement in southern Algeria. The region 
consists of Tamanrasset, In Salah, and In Qazzam. The entire popu- 
lation of the wilaya is estimated at 152,000. Before the arrival of the 
French, Tamanrasset was a caravan trade stop on the way to the Su- 
dan and today is a major desert tourism hub. The city is located in 
the environs of the Ahaggar Mountains. The landscape is diverse, as 
the entire area starts at 1 ,400 meters above sea level, with the highest 
peaks of the Ahaggar range — all 240,000 square kilometers of it- 
reaching around 3,000 meters. Tamanrasset is not a typical Saharan 
date palm oasis with sufficient water, and its groundwater is so lim- 
ited that households' water needs and agricultural irrigation practices 
are severely rationed. 

The oldest adobe fort in town was built by Charles de Foucauld, a 
French religious hermit who settled in 1905 to live among the Tu- 
areg. Because of its poverty and isolation, Foucauld thought it the 
perfect location for the monastery he intended to found. Recognizing 
his unsuccessful efforts to convert the Tuareg to Christianity, he be- 
gan to study their language, Tamasheq, and their writing, Tifinagh 
From his work came the first French-Tamasheq dictionary, which is 

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still considered the best reference in Berber linguistics. In 1910, he 
constructed a hermitage (bdrj) on the peak of Assekrem, one of the 
highest in the Ahaggar Mountains. But not all the Tuareg welcomed 
his stay. On the night of 1 December 1916, Tuareg rebels assassinated 
him. After the submission of the Kel Ahaggar in the early 1900s, 
Tamanrasset became a French military post in 1920. 

TAMANRASSET ACCORDS. An agreement signed on 6 January 
1991, in Tamanrasset, Algeria, between the Tuareg and the Malian 
government to address some of the pressing grievances that provoked 
the Tuareg insurgency. Among the provisions are the following: a 
cease-fire and exchange of prisoners; withdrawal of insurgent forces 
to cantonments; reduction of the army presence in the north, espe- 
cially Kidal; disengagement of the army from civil administration in 
the north; elimination of selected military posts (considered threaten- 
ing by the Tuareg communities); integration of insurgent combatants 
into the Malian army at ranks to be determined; acceleration of the 
ongoing processes of administrative decentralization in Mali; guar- 
antee that a fixed percentage of Mali's national infrastructural budget 
would be devoted to the north (Regions 6, 7, and 8); repatriation of 
refugees, both those displaced within Mali itself and the thousands of 
Tuareg who had fled to neighboring countries, especially Algeria and 
Mauritania; and assurances to the Tuareg that their culture and sensi- 
tivities would be respected and that they would be valued as citizens 
of Mali. See also TUAREG REBELLIONS. 



TAMAZLAYT. Tuareg word meaning "to set aside a share or special 
portion." It refers to the tribute given to the Ihaggaren nobility 
(camel breeders) by the Kel Ulli (goat breeders) for their protection. 
It is the primary means by which the Ihaggaren gained control over 
access to goat products to meet their subsistence needs. This institu- 
tion was the means whereby the diverse economic activities of the 
two groups were integrated within a pastoral nomadism and raid- 
ing economy. 

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TAMEKCHIT. Tuareg institution. While Tamazlayt tribute provided 
the Ihaggaren nobility with goat- breeding products, the institution of 
tamekchit allowed the nobility to claim food from the Kel Ulli and al- 
lowed them to obtain anything they needed for their subsistence re- 
quirements. Ihaggaren would consequently camp close to their Kel 
Ulli, who were obliged to provision and feed them. The Kel Ulli, 
however, received certain compensations, not the least of which was 
the assurance of protection. Additionally, the Kel Ulli could borrow 
the Ihaggaren's camels for their own caravan or raiding expeditions, 
from which they gave a share (also known as dbdlldg) consisting of 
half the booty remaining after the amenukal had received his share. 

1976). She was born in Tunis on 4 March 1913 and died in Saint 
Michel-L'observatoire in France on 2 April 1976. She received her 
elementary and secondary education in Tunis. She was a francophone 
writer as well as a musician. She was the sister of the well-known au- 
thor J ean Amrouche. Her parents were born in Ighil Ali in Lesser 
Kabylia and converted to Christianity. Her artistic expressions, both 
written and sung, speak of themes of exile and identity, underscoring 
her feelings of separation, loss, and a relentless effort to find peace 
with herself and to connect with others. She was the first Algerian 
woman to publish a novel in 1947. 

Writing under the nom de plume of Marguerite-Taos Amrouche, 
she was the author of three autobiographical novels: ) ddnthe noire, 
which appeared in 1947 and was reedited in 1972; La rue des tam- 
bourins, published in 1969; and L'amant imaginaire, which ap- 
peared in 1975. A fourth posthumous novel, Solitude ma mere, was 
published in 1995. Her masterpiece, le grain magique, appeared in 
1966 and is a compilation of Kabyle stories and poems collected 
from her mother, Fadhma At Mansur Amrouche (1882-1967), the 
author of a posthumous and moving narrative, Histoire de ma vie, 
published in 1967. Her recordings include Chants berberes de 
Kabylie (1967), Chants de processions, meditations, et danses 
sacrees berberes (1967), Chants de I'Atlas (1971), Chants espag- 
nols archaiques de la Alberca (1972), Incantations, meditations et 
danses berberes sacrees (1974), and Chants berberes de la meule et 
du berceau (1975). 

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TA U D E N I . The Saharan salt mines of Mali located 700 kilometers to 
the north of Timbuktu. These mines were discovered in the 16th 
century after the Moroccans closed the Taghaza mines. The Tuareg 
were in charge of this trade from the earliest times and controlled 
Taghaza until the mines' abandonment in 1596. Traditionally, salt 
was transported down to Timbuktu on two large annual caravans 
called Azalay. At one time, there were as many as 4,000 camels in a 
caravan. The salt trade between Taoudeni and Timbuktu once consti- 
tuted an important element in the commercial life of the Saharan 
economy. However, the salt trade has declined greatly in importance. 
See also KIDAL. 


TASSILI N'AJJ ER. This name refers to the prehistoric site of thou- 
sands of rock art documenting the archaeological record of North 
African prehistoric peoples and cultures. In the highlands of Tassili, 
Tibesti, the Ahggar, Kabylia and the Saharan Atlas and along the 
Atlantic coast are found several elaborate rock art and paintings. 
These "frescoes" indicate how the Saharan environment supported a 
Neolithic economy and society. The dates of rock art and engraving 
range from 6000 B.C. to a.d. 100. At the beginning of the Neolithic 
period, the climate was much wetter than in historic times. A Ne- 
olithic civilization emerged and combined fishing and cattle herding 
with connections to Sudan and then to the C apsian to the north. Fres- 
coes show black people. At the end of the second millennium, paint- 
ings begin to depict white people with long hair and elongated 
beards. By the middle of the second millennium, the paintings show 
men using horses to pull war chariots, armed with spears, and wear- 
ing kilts similar to those of the Egyptians. Other frescos show 
shaman-like figures indicating a priestly discourse, probably used to 
maintain the social organization of society. 

With the domestication of the horse, the Mediterranean groups in 
North Africa were capable of greater mobility than they had had before. 
They were able to exploit the now arid zones of the Sahara for pastoral 
nomadism. Both the horse and their stratified society allowed them to 
subjugate the existing black population, whose development since 
around 2500 B.C. was slowly arrested by the drying out of the Sahara. 

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122 • TAYMAT 

Evidence from the Tassili paintings tells of a striking resemblance 
to the Egyptian tombs of the 13th century B.C., which show "Libyan," 
"Libu," or "Mashwash" sporting kilts and ostrich feather head- 
dresses, their hair in locks, their beards short and pointed, and their 
faces covered with tattoos or ritual marks. These are said to be the 
northern equivalent to the Tuareg groups in Tassili. They apparently 
had trade connections with the Egyptians. In 1220 B.C. and again in 
1180 B.C., they invaded the Egyptians, and figures of 9,300 and 
28,000 Libyans are recorded as having been killed in these two as- 
saults. It is with these events that the Saharan Berbers, especially the 
Garamantes of the Fezzan, first came to be noticed by the ancient 
world historiography. The Garamantes are the protohistoric peoples 
of North Africa, and the valleys of the Fezzan are rich prehistoric set- 
tlement sites. Archaeological evidence from the Fezzan excavations 
shows that both wheat and barley were cultivated. Sheep were also 
raised as livestock. Garamante villages were composed of black and 
Mediterranean peoples. Prehistoric art of the central Sahara was in- 
vestigated and documented by Henri Lhote and others in the 1950s, 
with the considerable assistance of Machar Djebrine Ag Mohammed 
(1890/1892-1981), a Tuareg explorer and guide who discovered nu- 
merous rock art sites in Tassili n'Ajjer, Tamrit, Djanet, Sefa, Tes- 
soukay, Jebbaren, and the plateau of Tadjihanine. 

TAY M AT. The term refers to a traditional and voluntary pact of friend- 
ship between individuals, tribal segments, or tribes. It also implies 
such mutual assistance and economic cooperation as aiding in harvest 
and breeding sheep and the exchange of hospitality and women in 
marriage. The ceremony involves the sharing of food but no sacrifice, 
although on completion of the ceremony the first chapter of the 
Qur'an is recited to seal and lend the pact a sacred character. 

TAZTTAT. This term refers to a traditional pact of protection between 
tribes or two individuals, one of whom is a stranger to the tribe. For 
a sum of money (toll fee), tribesmen agreed to escort and to secure 
the safe passage of strangers, travelers, and itinerant merchants 
through the territory of the clan. Many tribes who lived along major 
trade routes, such the Ait Atta and Ait Youssi, derived a substantial 
income from this practice (amur n'tazttat). 

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TCHIN TA BAR A DEN MASSACRE. Among the Tuareg, this term 
literally means "the valley of young girls." It is an arrondissement in 
the Tahoua depdrtement and rangeland of the Kel Dennek nomads. 
Since the 1980s, the Niger armed forces had been the focus of Tuareg 
assaults in Tchin Tabaraden. In 1991, the village was attacked by the 
government forces, and afterward the Niger military forces led mass 
reprisals on the Tuareg civilian population of the area, brutalizing and 
humiliating it. The extent of the massacre is unknown: figures range 
from 63 according to the government through 600 to 700 estimated 
by humanitarian organizations to 1,500 advanced by the Tuareg. This 
event ushered in the Tuareg Rebellion in Niger, which lasted until 

of Agadez during the Kaoucen Revolt. He supported the incipient 
rebellion of Air for warding off French colonial penetration into the 
region. After the collapse of the revolt in 1916, Tegama fled to 
Kaoura but was turned in to the French by a Toubou in 1919. He was 
imprisoned in Zinder and was murdered in his cell in April 1920. The 
official cause of death, however, was explained away by the French 
as suicide. 

TEGUIDDA-N-TAGAIT. An important archaeological site and Tu- 
areg village about 85 kilometers from Agadez. It is a Neolithic site 
and may be the most significant site in the Sahara. The site contains 
about 250 examples of prehistoric rock art. It was also a major base 
for the Songhay sovereign Askia Mohammed during his attack on the 
Sultanate Of Agadez between 1500 and 1515. 

TEG UIDDA-N-TESEMT. A village located in the Tuareg oasis of In 
Gall, Air, where the Ingalkoyyu or Issawaghan cultivate date palms 
and practice subsistence irrigated agriculture. It is a historical cara- 
van stop on the western route to G 30. It is about 20 kilometers from 
the archaeological site of Azelik, a major village that competed for 
dominance with Agadez in the 15th century. Teguidda is about 80 
kilometers to the north of In Gall, and its prominence is due to the 
availability of salt pans, springs, and seasonal festivals. The evapo- 
rated salt is used by herders to keep their livestock healthy, and cash 

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from salt and decorated mats of palm leaves is used to buy millet and 
other necessities. The village plays host to the nomads of the region 
for the annual Akasa. or cure salee, in early September when the 
herds are driven to the area around In Gall to use the salty water and 
grass found there. 

Tl Fl NAG H . This term refers to the Berber alphabet, and it is related to 
the ancient Libyan alphabet, which dates back to the fourth century b .c. 
Archaeological evidence from Tassili n'Ajjer in the Ahaggar and from 
Thugga in Tunisia (today Dougga) shows a simplified Semitic alpha- 
bet composed of symmetrical and orthogonal inscriptions. Similar to 
Punic, vowels are not transcribed, and for the most part it is constituted 
of an epigraphic alphabet. Ancient administrative texts tend to be writ- 
ten from right to left, while funerary inscriptions were inscribed in 
columns and read from either the top or the bottom. Its use was wide- 
spread, stretching from the Fezzan, or southwestern modern Libya, to 
the Canary Islands. A variant of Tifinagh survives today among the 
Tuareg, and its rehabilitation and revitalization are being undertaken 
by the Institut Royal de la Culture Amazigh (IRC AM) in Morocco, 
Kabyles. Chaouia, and other diaspora communities. 

The adoption of the ancient script of Tifinagh to revive Berber cul- 
ture language and culture has become a contested issue among 
Berbers as well as policymakers in North Africa. While the Institut 
Royal de la Culture Amazigh, a government-certified institution, is 
reviving Berber language, or Tamazight, in Tifinagh, the Kabyleand 
others in the diaspora have elected to apply a Latin script to Tifinagh. 
Kabyles and others argue that the Roman script lends itself very 
nicely to modern means of communication of all that is Berber be- 
yond the borders of the Berber homeland. Another interesting aspect 
of this linguistic debate is the fact that writing in Berber is still not 
politically correct in North Africa. There are many bases for this fact. 
First, there is the deliberate attempt to anchor nation building in the 
discourse of Islam through its sacred language, Arabic. Second, the 
Berber Dahir and the efforts of the French to isolate Berber culture 
and practices in Algeria and Morocco were rejected by the national- 
ist movements. Finally, while cultural and political leftist formations 
have privileged the notion of class as a unit of social analysis, they 
have always displayed unconstructive and Arab-centric attitudes and 

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sentiments, if not downright racism, toward all things considered 

T I J A N I YA . Popular Muslim religious order in Niger and Senegal. It al- 
most replaced the Qadiriya, previously dominant in the region. It was 
founded by Ahmed al-Tijani in v in Madi, in the region of Laghouat in 
Algeria in 1782. Because of Turkish military efforts to subjugate the 
region, Ahmed al-Tijani left v in Madi and settled in Fes in 1788. Al- 
though he followed various tariqa (Darqawiyya, Nasiriyya, and Waz- 
zaniyya) and because he was not a sharif, he claimed inspiration from 
the Prophet and so did not subscribe to the prevalent Jazuliyya/ 
Shadliyyah traditions in Morocco. In the following centuries, the Ti- 
janiya spread its influence into sub-Saharan Africa. In the context of 
colonial resistance, the order managed to support the French colonial 
schemes in the region. The order has three main zawyas— in Madi, 
Fez, and Tamasin— with its leader in v In Madi holding the title of 

TIMBUKTU. A city of 32 ,000 located in northern Mali . The city is the 
chef-lieu of a cercle and region of the same name. The total area of 
the region is 496,611 square kilometers, and it has a population of 
495,132. It was founded in the 11th century as a seasonal camp for 
Tuareg nomads. During the rainy season, the Tuaregs roam the desert 
up to Ariwan in search of grazing lands for their animals. During the 
dry season, however, they return to the Niger River, where herds 
grazed on a grass called "burgu." According to legend, on the onset 
of the rainy season, the Tuareg will leave their goods with an old Tu- 
areg women named Tin Abutut who stayed at the well. In the Tuareg 
language, tin abutut means "the lady with the big navel." With the 
passage of time, the name Tin Abutut became Timbuktu. Another leg- 
end tells that the place was entrusted to a Tuareg woman called Buc- 
too. The name "Timbuktu" comes from the Tuareg term tin), mean- 
ing "that belong to," and the name "Buctoo." 

From the 11th century on, Timbuktu became a trans-Saharan cara- 
van entrepot where goods from West Africa and North Africa were 
traded. Goods coming from the Mediterranean shores and salt were 
traded in Timbuktu for gold. The prosperity of the city attracted 
scholars, merchants, and traders from North Africa. Salt, books, and 

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gold were very much in demand at that time. Salt came from the Tag- 
haza mines in the north, gold came from the immense gold mines of 
the Boure and Banbuk, and books were products of native scholars 
and scholars of the Berber Sanhaja. The Tuareg captured the salt 
mine of Taghaza and thus took control of the salt trade. The Tuareg 
exported the salt to Timbuktu via camel caravans. In 1893, with the 
colonization of West Africa by France, Timbuktu was brought under 
French rule until Mali received its independence in 1960. 

Today, most of the population consists of Songhay agriculturalists 
and Tuareg nomads. The Taoudeni salt mines are located in the north 
of the region, where salt is still mined. Although salt from Taoudeni 
still comes through Timbuktu on camels (as it has for centuries), the 
town is no longer a major trading center and has not experienced 
much development in recent times. Timbuktu is still a modest center 
of Islamic learning and houses one of the oldest medieval Islamic li- 

TIMIDRIA. The term means "fraternity," and it refers to the largest 
black Tuareg organization, founded in 1991 to defend the rights of 
slaves. With a membership of 300,000, it has multiple centers and 
projects sponsored by foreign donors throughout Niger. It seeks 
peaceful coexistence between pastoralists and farmers. On 3 Novem- 
ber 2004, Timidria received the 2004 Anti-Slavery Award from Anti- 
Slavery International for fighting slavery and bonded labor in Niger. 

Tl N H I NAN . Ancestress of certain Kel Ahaggar groups. As mythmak- 
ing melts into oral histories to validate the stratified social organiza- 
tion of the Tuareg, there are many versions competing along a 
fragmentary and speculative spectrum when it comes to the recon- 
struction of the origins of the Tuareg. The origins story centers on the 
legendary queen Tin Hinan and her companion Takama. Tin Hinan is 
believed to have been a noblewoman of the Baraber tribe (the Ait 
Khabbash) and is alleged to have traveled in the company of her 
slave girl, Takama, from Tafilalet in Morocco to Ahaggar, where 
they are buried. Tin Hinan is thought to be buried on the bank of the 
Tiffert River near Abalessa and Takama in a smaller tomb nearby. Tin 
Hinan's tomb was excavated, and archaeological evidence dates it 
back to the fourth century a.d., three centuries before the arrival of 

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TIT, BATTLE OF (1902) • 127 

Islam to North Africa. It is claimed that Tin Hinan and her slave girl, 
Takama, arrived in Ahaggar and found it uninhabited except for a pa- 
gan population called Isbeten, who were goat breeders and hunters 
living in caves in the mountainous areas of the country. 

A variation of this story is that Tin Hinan had a daughter, Kella, 
from whom the noble Kel Rala and Taytok groups claim descent, 
while Takama had two daughters from whom the vassal groups of the 
Dag Rali, Kel Ahnet, and Ait Lowayan are alleged to descend. An- 
other variation says that Tin Hinan had three daughters who bore the 
names of animals: Tinhert (antelope), the ancestress of the Inemba 
group; Tahenkot (gazelle), the ancestress of the Kel Rala; and Tamer - 
oualt (doe-rabbit), the ancestress of the Iboglan. Although there is 
some question about which Kel Ahaggar groups are descended from 
Tin Hinan, the noble matrilineal Kel Rala and Taytok groups claim 
undisputed descent from Tin Hinan. 

A further Ahaggar variation reported by Johannes Nicolaisen 
claims that all Tuareg have a common ancestor, as they descended 
from a woman called Lemtuna, who is believed to be the ancestor of 
certain Berber groups in Ghadames in Libya. Most Moroccan 
Berbers trace their origins to Lemtuna's sister, who was the ances- 
tress of the Baraber. Most Tuareg scholars argue that the noble/ 
master-slave/client narrative justifies the annual tributes of the vas- 
sals to the nobles. 

TIT, BATTL E OF (1902). This refers to the Kel Ahaggar attack on the 
French expedition, led by Lieutenant Cottenest, with one hundred 
voluntarily enlisted meharistes. The expedition left In Salah on 23 
March 1902 to make a reconnaissance of Ahaggar and inflict a puni- 
tive raid on the Kel Ahaggar. No doubt, Tuareg collective memory 
celebrated with ease how they had destroyed Flatters expedition of 
92 men, and they decided to assault the French at the village of Tit, 
about 40 kilometers north of Tamanrasset. The Kel Ahaggar, consist- 
ing mainly of Kel Rela, with many of their Kel Ulli and the Dag Rali, 
launched a furious assault on the French patrol under the leadership 
of Moussa Ag Amastane, but the successive attacks faded before the 
deadly and accurate French weaponry. Over 100 Kel Ahaggar were 
left dead, while Lieutenant Cottenest suffered 3 dead and 10 

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The defeat stunned the Kel Ahaggar, and Tuareg notions of invin- 
cibility and territorial sovereignty had been shattered. Their submis- 
sion to France can be dated as beginning from that day. After many 
instances of Tuareg dissensions and attacks on the French, in 1904, 
Moussa Ag Amastane rode to In Salah to negotiate peace. In return, 
the French authorities invested Moussa with the title of amenukal. 
The submission of the Kel Ahaggar finally enabled France to link up 
with its Sudanese territories, and on 18 April 1904, it established the 
frontier between Algeria and French West Africa, passing through 
Timaiouine, about 565 kilometers to the west-southwest of Taman- 
rasset. The border deprived the Kel Ahaggar of one of their most 
valuable pasturelands, the Adrar nTforas, as well as a number of al- 
lied tribes. Ahaggar 's inclusion in the French colonial administration 
was not without loss to the Tuareg. 

TIZI OUZOU.A city located in eastern Algeria with a population of 
77 ,475 . It is the capital of the province of the same name, departement/ 
wildya Tizi Ouzou. Its Berber name means "the prickly furze pass." 
Tizi Ouzou is the symbolic capital of Kabyle resistance and the his- 
torical center of Berberism in North Africa. Kabyles have always 
been more politically active and hostile to the Arabic-speaking cen- 
tral government policies of Berber exclusion, humiliation, and neg- 
lect (hogra) than the rest of their countrymen. Since the late 1940s, 
they have been campaigning for the official status of the Berber lan- 
guage and culture in Algerian politics. 

Over the past five years, Tizi Ouzou has gained international at- 
tention, as it has become the center of Berber activism and unrest. In 
April 2001, also called Black Spring, Tizi Ouzou erupted after an 
eighteen-year-old man named Massinissa Guermah died in the cus- 
tody of the gendarmes (paramilitary rural police). Within days, Guer- 
mah's death led to protests throughout the entire Kabyle area, over 
seven wilayas (departements), expressing the hatred of hogra and the 
rejection of poverty, denouncing the murderous regime, and calling 
for the removal of the gendarmes forces from Kabylia. Although the 
revolt began peacefully enough, it degenerated into rioting and loot- 
ing. The gendarmes fought back with live ammunition, killing nearly 
one hundred unarmed Kabyles in a period of 60 days. On 14 June 
2001 , in one of the largest demonstrations the country has ever seen, 

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TLEMCEN • 129 

hundreds of thousands of Kabyles poured into Algiers, armed clashes 
broke out, and four protestors were killed. 

The demand for the recognition of the Tamazight (Berber) lan- 
guage is always present. However, contrary to the strongly identity- 
based protests of June 1998, at the time of the death of (leading 
Berber singer) Lounes Matoub, the youth in revolt attacked all the 
public buildings, all the symbols of the state, and all the dignitaries 
suspected of corruption. They also attacked the symbols of the 
Berber-dominated political parties, the Front des Forces Socialistes 
(FFS) and the Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratic 
(RCD), as well as those of the establishment Front de Liberation Na- 
tionale (FLN) condemning their appalling municipal management, 
their membership of the liberal consensus, and their bourgeois polit- 
ical practices. Cities like Tizi Ouzou and Bijaia continue to be the 
scenes of sporadic protests not only against poverty and hogrd but 
also against Arab nationalism, the state's official ideology. See dlso 

TLEMCEN. A city located in northwestern Algeria with a population 
of 155 ,162. It is the capital of a province of the same name. The name 
of the city is derived from a Berber word, tilmisdne, for "springs." 
The province is known for its agriculture of olives and vineyards. 
Because of its rich historical record, the city combines a cosmopoli- 
tan blend of Berber, Arab, and French cultures. Over the centuries, it 
has developed leather and textile industries geared toward export. 
The city is also known for the tomb of the marabout, or mystic, Sidi 
Bou Medienne (1126-1197) and the second president of Algeria, 
Houari Boumedienne (1932-1978). 

The city has been occupied since prehistoric times, maybe because 
of its location as a watering hole. It was founded by the Romans in 
the fourth century as a military outpost in the Berber hinterlands. In 
the eighth century, Idris I of Fes built a mosque at the site. At the end 
of the 12th century, the Almoravids established and expanded the city 
of Tlemcen. Under the Almoravids, it served as a major theological 
and legal training center. It has several important mosques, such as 
the "Great Mosque." As the capital of the "Abd al-Wadids in the 
13th and 14th centuries, Tlemcen became an important 
religious center as well as a commercial hub for the region. It also 

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130 • TOURISM 

prospered under the Marinids, who built a shrine for Sidi Bou 
Medienne, surrounded by a beautiful mosque, a madrasa, and other 
buildings for the use of pilgrims. The shrine has remained a much- 
visited sacred place down to this day. Because of its commercial and 
religious significance, the city became an object of aggression be- 
tween the Turks and Spaniards at the beginning of the 16th century. 
During the Turkish occupation, the city fell into decline. From 1830 
to 1833, it came under the control of the "Alawite dynasty. In 1842, 
the French conquered it, and it became a commune de plein exercise. 
In 1858, it became an arrondissement capital. 

In 1956, the city was besieged by a section of the Armee de Libera- 
tion Nationale (ALN) forces, and after the administrative reforms of 
1958, it became the capital of a departement of the same name. The 
name of the city was given in 1962 to the "Tlemcen group," or the 
Ahmed Ben Bella and Houari Boumedienne faction, which opposed 
the Governement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne (GPRA). 

TOURISM . This is a major aspect of the economies of Berber land, 
and in some countries and regions, such as the C anary I slands. Mali, 
Morocco, Niger, Tunisia, and Siwa, it accounts for a considerable 
share of commercial activities. Berber land's Atlantic, Mediter- 
ranean, and Saharan climate; its mountains and spectacular desert 
vistas, lush oases, and stunning geological formations, with tradi- 
tional and colonial architecture of villages and cities; and its long and 
varied history and cultures, much of which is preserved in historical 
and archaeological sites and parks, have combined to make Berber 
land one of the most attractive tourist destinations. 

The tourism industry dates back to the colonial and postcolonial 
periods, when state-driven initiatives opened resort establishments 
along the coastal areas, in historic towns and cities, and in the Sahara. 
In 1922, Andre Citroen, the engineer and founder of Citroen motor 
company, planned and organized what the French called a "raid" 
across the Sahara. The practical objectives of this business and engi- 
neering venture were to test his newly designed "caterpillar" cars, 
which were an adaptation of the British tank, and to link Tunis with 
Timbuktu. The Citroen expedition is one of the most important 
events in the modern history of the Sahara, for its effect on the life of 
the desert was to be greater than any previous European penetration. 

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TOURISM • 131 

For that matter, even the animals were affected, and their chances of 
survival were endangered. It is fair to observe from what goes on in 
the Sahara today that, thanks to the automobile revolution, camels 
have become almost obsolete and gazelles, antelopes, desert hares, 
and moufllon have been brought to the brink of extinction. After the 
successful crossing of the Sahara by his automobiles, Andre Citroen 
was determined to make the desert a real holiday resort, shrewdly 
calculating that nothing pacifies a country as quickly as tourism. He 
also drew a grandiose scheme for building hotels across the Sahara, 
equipped with modern amenities, including bathrooms, running wa- 
ter, radios, and air-conditioned bars. The Citroen project, in many in- 
teresting ways, foreshadowed the development of "le grdnd tourisme 
Sdhdrien." This project is the precursor to the annual Paris-to-Dakar 

Since independence, especially in the non-oil producing countries, 
tourism has been a major source of hard currency and employment, 
directly and indirectly providing jobs to a significant segment of the 
working population. There are, however, serious problems facing the 
industry. With the exception of small scale ecotourism establish- 
ments, much of the industry is in the hands of foreign investors and 
tour operators. Moreover, the concentration of tourism in certain ar- 
eas has intensified socioeconomic disparities between resort and non- 
resort areas, and it has in some places put tremendous stress on frag- 
ile resources, particularly in seaside resorts and desert oases, where 
tourists have altered old ways of interacting with the carrying capac- 
ity of the environment. 

Another negative aspect of reliance on tourism is that it is a highly 
volatile and sensitive sector to internal as well external economic and 
political influences. Forces in the form of global recessions, insecu- 
rity threats, and political unrest lead most often to recurrent and un- 
sustainable economic trends in the industry. For example, in February- 
March 2003 , the perceived image of Tuareg lands becoming a haven 
for terrorists was intensified by the kidnapping of 32 European 
tourists in southern Algeria. They were released in August of the 
same year. The abduction, blamed on one of the Algerian radical Is- 
lamist movements, received global media coverage. This event had 
two immediate consequences on Tuareg tourism. First, it devastated 
tourism in the central Sahara, and hence the Tuareg were robbed of 

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one of their main sources of income. Second, it proved that the region 
was insecure, and thus tourists stayed away and livelihoods were 
compromised. See also AGADEZ; AGADIR; AIR; JERBA; KIDAL; 

TRIPOLITANIA. It is located in the northwestern part of Libya, and it 
is one of the most populous and historic regions with about 80 per- 
cent of the country's population living here. It covers an area of about 
365,000 square kilometers and runs from the Mediterranean Sea to 
the Saharan frontiers of Libya. The history of the area was dominated 
by its Saharan caravan trade and its port, which provided refuge to pi- 
rates and slave traders. Since ancient times, Cyrenaica has been 
drawn east toward Egypt, the Fezzan toward Chad and Sudan, and 
Tripolitania west toward Tunisia and the Maghreb. 

It is in Tripolitania that the first manifestations of nationalism 
came for the unification of Libya as well as the development of a po- 
litical consciousness against foreign occupation. Despite the lack of 
support by the major colonial powers of the time, in 1918, the Re- 
public of Tripoli was organized, and it was the first form of republi- 
can governance in the Arab world. After World War II, numerous po- 
litical movements emerged in Libya, particularly in Tripolitania. 
Eventually, in 1950, the elites of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, and the Fez- 
zan settled on forming a united, federal Libya under the leadership of 
King Sayyid Mohammed Idris al-Sanusi. 

Today, the region surrounding Tripoli as far south as Jabal Na- 
fusa constitutes the bread basket of the country, with farming dedi- 
cated largely to the cultivation of cereals, date palm, and olive 
groves as well as the use of the Jafara plain and its hills for pastoral 
nomadism. Jabal Nafusa is in the western part of al-Jabal al- 
Gharbi, or Trablusi, and it is home to various Ibadithe Berber com- 
munities known for their troglodyte housing architecture. These in- 
clude Kabaw, Jadu, Yefren, and Kirkla. The social groups include 
At-fassato (also known as Infusan and people of Tanmmirt); Fazz- 
aben (Ibadithe religious scholars); Irquiqin (term denoting all 
Berbers); Ishamjan (blacks or former slaves); Araben, or Eyyeshan 
(Arabs); and Ehadaden (blacksmiths). Most Berbers in Libya live in 
Jabal Nafusa, Zwara, and Ghaddamis. See also KHARIJISM; 

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TUAREG • 133 

TUAREG . They are commonly known as a Berber- speaking pastoral- 
ist and matrilineal society of the Sahara. They are also known in 
travel literature as the "veiled blue men of the Sahara." However, 
during the last four decades, the number of pastoralists has drastically 
declined, and those who still practice pastoralism can hardly be 
called pastoralists in the strict sense of the word. Because of recur- 
rent and devastating droughts, in association with postcolonial poli- 
cies of governments in the region, Tuareg have been forced to adapt 
to new rural and urban livelihood-making strategies. Over the past 
four decades, they have also undergone radical social and political 

The Tuareg are found in a large area between 14 and 30 degrees 
north and 5 degrees west and 10 degrees east, centered in southern 
Algeria, Niger, Mali, Burkina Fasso, southwestern Libya, and a few 
other peripheral areas. The Kel Ahaggar and Kel Ajjer are called the 
Northern Tuareg, while the remaining groups constitute the Southern 
Tuareg. Reliable figures on the precise population distribution of the 
Tuareg are not available. However, the entire Tuareg population is es- 
timated at over 3.5 million: 800,000 in Niger; 600,000 in Mali; 
140,000 in Algeria, including refugees from Mali and Niger; 30,000 
to 40,000 in Burkina Faso; and 20,000 to 30,000 in Libya; the re- 
minder are in El Fasher, Darfur, Sudan, and in Kano, Katsina, north- 
ern Nigeria, and overseas. 

The meaning of the word "Tuareg" produces considerable confu- 
sion, particularly as the Tuareg do not in fact name themselves by this 
term. The word is an external labeling and not an indigenous system 
of classification. The word "Tuareg" has Arabic roots (Tdrqi; pi. 
tdWdriq), meaning those who are abandoned by Allah (God), because 
for a long time the Tuareg refused to accept the religion of the Arabs: 
Islam. They refer to themselves as Imuhdg (raiders-nobles), and the 
term Imuhdg is used to designate anyone whose language is Tama- 
hak, precluding Izeggaghen and other vassals whose mother tongue 
is not Tamahak. Among the Berber languages, a particular language 
or dialect is usually designated by the feminine form of the name of 
the people who speak it— so that, for instance, the Imuhag of Ahag- 
gar call their language Tamahak, the Imajeghen of Air call their lan- 
guage Tamajek, and Tuareg groups designate themselves as Kel 
Tamasheq, meaning literally "speakers of Tamasheq," and identify 

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themselves with the term Temust, meaning "nation" in Tamasheq. 
Tamasheq is related to Tifinagh— the ancient Libyan language whose 
evidence is provided by inscriptions on ancient rock paintings in the 
central Sahara. 

Tuareg societies are characterized by their rigid social stratifica- 
tion systems. In its classic formation, the basic division is between 
"nobles" ( I majegheti). vassals (Imghad, Ineslemen. and Isherifen), 
servants ilzeggaghen and Inedetl). and slaves (Iklan). The nobles 
made up a warrior aristocracy. Through their possession of camels 
and their rights over arms, they controlled the means of physical 
force, the ultimate sanction of their political hegemony. The main in- 
stitutions through which the surplus labor of lower classes was ap- 
propriated and through which a set of economic activities and inter- 
ests of these two classes was integrated within the entire economy 
were the relationships known as Tamazlayt and Tamekchit. On in- 
dependence, these relationships have ceased to function in their tra- 
ditional forms. In addition, the social organization of the nobility, in 
terms of succession, inheritance, residence, and group membership, 
is matrilineal, while that of the vassals is predominantly patrilineal. 
Politically, the Tuareg have never established a single politically 
united state or federation but comprise several major tribes or groups 
that seem to correspond to politically autonomous units or confeder- 
ations (see the entries under Kd for details on various Tuareg 
groups). They founded a number of sultanates, such as that in 
Agadez in the 15th century. In 1770, the Tuareg conquered Gao and 
Timbuktu in Mali. With the advent of Arabs in North Africa, they 
converted to Islam and were devoted followers of the Sanusiyya re- 
ligious order, which led a jihad against French rule in the region. 
With the approach of independence in North and West Africa, several 
key Tuareg political figures in Mali and Niger attempted to form a 
federation separate from the political control of the "black south." In 
Mali and Niger, they have been repressed, and incidents of unrest and 
rebellions have been common. Roots of unrest and calls for self-de- 
termination go back to the rebellions of the Tuareg in Mali in 1980s. 

TUAREG REBELLIONS. Like many African peoples, the Tuareg 
were affected by the decolonization and national liberation efforts 

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and transformations sweeping Africa in the 1950s and 1960s. They 
were tempted to envisage a postcolonial all-Tuareg Saharan Repub- 
lic, Azawad, bringing together Tuareg-populated areas in northern 
Mali, northern Niger, southern Algeria, and southwestern Libya. 
However, the Tuareg's primary allegiances and ties were directed to 
their immediate and local communities. Since the times of the Sul- 
tanate of Agadez. the Tuareg have never established a unified polit- 
ical and military front. 

During the years following national independence in 1960s, the 
new national governments could not meet the goals of development. 
Administrative inexperience, combined with unworkable social and 
economic policies, proved disastrous to the economy and to the peo- 
ple's civil and political liberties. In addition to poverty was a convic- 
tion among the Tuareg that they were singled out for persecution and 
discrimination and were more marginalized than other ethnic groups 
in the distribution of state benefits. The Tuareg observed that most of 
the senior leaders of postcolonial Mali and Niger, for example, were 
drawn from the southern ethnic groups, which were hostile to the pas- 
toral culture of the northern nomads. The Tuareg were also alarmed by 
the rhetoric of the land reform program that threatened their privileged 
access to agricultural products and exchange relationships with seden- 
tary vassal groups. Some Tuareg leaders began to suspect that the new 
national elites were bent on destroying Tuareg culture (ecocide) under 
the pretext of economic growth and development. 

The first Tuareg rebellion began in northern Mali in early 1962, 
employing guerilla tactics and raids against government targets. The 
attacks escalated in size and destructiveness through 1963, resulting 
in very disturbed conditions in the Tuareg-populated north. However, 
the Tuareg attacks did not reflect a unified leadership or clear evi- 
dence of a coherent strategic vision. The insurgents generally de- 
pended on their camels for transportation and were equipped mainly 
with unsophisticated and rather old small arms. They also failed to 
mobilize the Tuareg community as a whole. The Malian government 
reacted quickly and harshly. Mali's army conducted repressive coun- 
terinsurgency operations. By the end of 1964, the government's harsh 
methods had crushed the rebellion. It then placed the Tuareg- 
populated northern regions under a repressive military administra- 
tion. Consequently, Mali's Tuareg fled as refugees to neighboring 

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countries. While the government had succeeded in ending the rebellion, 
its coercive and violent measures alienated many Tuaregs who had not 
supported the insurgents. Atrocities and human rights abuses on both 
sides contributed to a climate of fear and distrust in the north. Further- 
more, while the government subsequently announced a number of pro- 
grams to improve local infrastructure and economic development, it 
lacked the resources to follow through on most of them. As a result, Tu- 
areg grievances remained largely unaddressed, and resentment contin- 
ued in many Tuareg communities after 1964. Clearly, the problem of in- 
stability in the north had simply been deferred, not resolved. 

Moreover, the region suffered devastating droughts between 1968 
and 1974 and then again in 1980 and 1985. This undermined the pas- 
toral livelihood of nomadic peoples in the Sahelian states, killing a 
very high proportion of the livestock and forcing many of the nomads 
to find refuge in squalid refugee camps or in urban areas in the south, 
where their pastoral skills were of little economic value. The Tuareg 
accused the government of Mali of disregarding the plight of the Tu- 
areg in the drought of the early 1970s, arguing that Malian officials 
withheld food relief in order to destroy the Tuaregs or drive them out 
of Mali. During this period, the state undertook significant relief ef- 
forts among the northern nomads, including the Tuareg. 

The original grievances of Mali's Tuaregs in the early 1960s have 
never completely disappeared. These were rooted in a Tuareg con- 
viction that the national governments were unresponsive and hostile. 
The grievances were exacerbated by the highly coercive counterin- 
surgency campaign during the first Tuareg rebellion and by the sub- 
sequent harsh military administration of northern Mali. Many Tu- 
aregs still distrusted and feared their non-Tuareg neighbors. Fears of 
cultural genocide stemmed also from the government handling of 
famine relief. Tuaregs increasingly were dissatisfied with conditions 
of life in the country at the end of the 1980s and blamed the govern- 
ment for their misery. The general dissatisfaction in Mali with Presi- 
dent Moussa Traore's government resulted in a coup d'etat in 1991. 
However, prior to the coup, the Tuaregs of northern Mali launched 
their second rebellion (in June 1990). In 1990, they consisted of four 
major movements and a number of minor ones. Tuareg combatants 
were mounted on light vehicles and seemed to have an unlimited sup- 
ply of modern small arms. They also were much more effective in de- 

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stroying government facilities and eluding government pursuit, find- 
ing apparent safe haven in neighboring countries . 

While the bulk of the rebels apparently were Tuaregs, some Arabs 
and Maures joined the various rebel groups. Small numbers of rebels 
came from other Malian groups, including Bellahs or black Tuareg. 
Initially, the government reacted to the new Tuareg rebellion by de- 
claring a state of emergency in the north and attempting to repeat the 
strong-arm counterinsurgency measures of the 1960s, including very 
destructive and massive attacks on Tuareg communities. This fea- 
tured encouragement of the non-Tuareg population in the region to 
attack Tuareg communities. The army and the other security forces 
(Gendarmerie and National Guard) sustained significant casualties. 
The rebellion compounded the political and economic problems of 
the state: the regime faced severe financial constraints and a growing 
domestic opposition. President Traore, to his credit, recognized very 
early that he could not achieve a military solution to the rebellion, 
and he accepted offers of mediation by Algeria. On 6 January 1991, 
government and Tuareg military leaders, after a series of discussions, 
signed the Tamanrasset Accords (in the Algerian town of the same 
name). Of great significance was the fact that, despite the change in 
the Malian government as a result of the coup d'etat in March 1991 
and the national election of 1992, all parties confirmed the provisions 
of the Tamanrasset Accords. As a result of the continued consulta- 
tions within Mali, leaders from all communities signed the National 
Pact in Mali's capital, Bamako, on 11 April 1992. 

In Niger, prior to the 1990 Tuareg assault on the Niger armed 
forces, there was growing discontent among Tuaregs with the eco- 
nomic and cultural marginalization and the sidelining of their interest 
by the governments of the four Saharan states. The government of 
Niger's repression and massacres after the Tchin Tabaraden ignited 
a full-scale rebellion. Armed groups clashed sporadically with gov- 
ernment forces, and this coincided with the spillover of Mali's Tuareg 
rebellion. By 1995, about a dozen liberation movements emerged in 
Niger. Four of these were based in Paris under the umbrella organi- 
zation of the Coordination de la Resistance A rmee(CRA), and four 
established the Mouvement des Fronts Unifies de l'Azawad. Mano 
Dayak led the efforts of the CRA in Paris and wrote a book on the 
Tuareg grievances against the government of Niger. 

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138 • TUAREG REVOLT OF 1962 

In 1991, the National Conference in Niamey recognized the Tu- 
areg grievances, and the government dismissed some senior military 
officials for their role in the Air atrocities and initiated a dialogue 
with the Tuareg, until then regarded as bandits or rogue elements 
seeking revenge. The Tuareg demands were the evacuation of the 
government of Niger military forces from Air; a federal system, with 
the north enjoying cultural, religious, administrative, and military au- 
tonomy; funding for the economic development of the north; inte- 
gration of Tuareg in the army; and independence for a Sahara Con- 
federation of Tuareg peoples — an extremist position voiced by some 
Tuaregs, mostly those of Mali. Sporadic negotiations and armed 
clashes continued during the early 1990s, but they led nowhere. In 
1994, with Niger's government drained by the cost of the war, it de- 
cided to negotiate with the Tuareg under the auspices of France. 
These negotiations led to a cease-fire in April 1995. They also re- 
sulted in Niger's agreeing to the Tuareg demands, including setting 
up ethnically defined administrative areas with their own assemblies, 
governors, and cultural autonomy. 



TWIZA. This term refers to a pact of economic cooperation between 
households or individuals. It provides mutual aid and collective labor 
assistance for workers unable to complete certain agricultural tasks 
within a reasonable amount of time. In this manner, a worker is as- 
sured of labor to work his land and harvest its produce to make up for 
labor shortage within his household. Labor is exchanged on a field- 
by-field basis. The tWIZd labor is contributed for the duration it takes 
to complete a certain agricultural task, no matter how small or large 
the field may be. 

UNION DEMOCRATIQUE (UD). This is an offshoot of the Mouve- 
ment Populaire and was founded in 2001 by Bouazza Ikken after he 

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WOMEN • 139 

was forced out of the Mouvement Populaire Party and the Mouvement 
Populaire National Party. The UD did well for a new party in 2002 
elections (10 seats), but it received less votes than both the reorganized 
Mouvement Populaire and the Mouvement Populaire National. 


WATTASIDS (1465-1549). They are also known in Arabic as Banu 
Wattas, a Berber dynasty belonging to a branch of the Zanata con- 
federation. They served as regents for the M arinids and took over as 
sultans. In the 13th century, they settled in eastern Morocco and the 
R if after migrating from southern Libya and Algeria. Although they 
were conquered by the Sa'diyin dynasty, their short-lived reign is re- 
plete with some significant military victories over the Portuguese. 
The battle of Ma'mura, in which the Portuguese naval and land 
forces were dealt a severe defeat, indicated that the Moroccan state 
was modernizing its military forces. Similar to the Marinid religious 
credentials deficit and compounded by years of Portuguese invasion, 
the Wattasids were easily taken over by the Sa'diyin. Like their pred- 
ecessors on the throne, they also provided an environment for educa- 
tion and culture. 

WOMEN. The position and status of women varies from group to 
group, and, to a large extent, their status is determined by the social 
organization of the group in question. Based on national statistics, 
one can deduce that women make up more than half of the entire pop- 
ulation and that about the same number of women receives schooling 
as men, although this varies in some countries. In general, more 
women are illiterate than men given the lack of educational opportu- 
nities and social services during colonialism and independence and 
the inaccessibility of much of Berber land. 

Since Berber societies are either matriarchical or patriarchical, the 
spectrum of women's rights reflects this organizing element. In the 
matriarchical society of the Tuareg, ethnographic accounts tell of the 
high position and status of women. They own property, initiate di- 
vorce, lead raids, have leadership positions and participate in council 
deliberations, and do not wear the veil. They are active agents in the 

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public sphere and take the lead in musical celebrations. In patri- 
archical societies such as those of the Ait Atta of Morocco, women 
also enjoy a similar position and status as that of the Tuareg except 
that property and inheritance and public performance tend to favor 
men. In some areas, women work and irrigate fields, weave, and 
make pottery. 

In Berber history, women have played vital roles. While there are 
the examples of al-Kahina, Kenza of Awraba, Lalla Fadhma n'- 
Soumer, Dassine Ult Ihena, Fadhma at Mansur Amrouche, and Taos 
Amrouche, women have traditionally had significant and influential 
roles in Berber societies. During the early resistance against the en- 
croachment of colonialism and the independence struggles, women 
played decisive roles in the battlefield as well as in the organization 
of resistance. Since independence, women have slowly managed to 
contest and chip away at the core fundamentals of patriarchy and 
have called for equal inheritance, equal age at marriage, equal di- 
vorce rights, and the abolition of polygamy. In general, the record is 
mixed and varies in some countries. Despite some legal gains, the re- 
vival of s/iar/a-minded Islamization and Arabization and the emer- 
gence of political Islam throughout the region have heightened 
women's fears and concerns. Recent research among the Tuareg, for 
instance, shows that the processes of Arabization and Islamization, 
alongside those of sedentarization and modernization, have largely 
undermined the status and position of women in society. These 
processes, in one way or another, have resulted in the decline of the 
importance of matrilineal descent, introduction of seclusion of 
women and polygyny, exclusion of women from judicial and politi- 
cal decision-making structures, and abuse by men of women's mari- 
tal rights and manipulation of Islamic divorce procedures. In re- 
sponse to these changes, an increasing number of women have opted 
to live independently of men and are forming all-female communities 
in the desert— suggestive of classic Tuareg matrilineal-based social 
organization. See also LITERATURE; MUSIC; TIN HINAN. 

WORLDAMAZIGH CONGRESS. Its Berber name is Agraw Amad- 
lan Amazigh. It was established in September 1995 in St.-Rome de 
Dolan by the Paris-based sociocultural association Tamazgha. The 
congress is a transnational nongovernmental organization headquar- 

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tered in Paris, and its member associations come from North Africa, 
sub-Saharan Africa, and the diaspora. The first World Amazigh Con- 
gress was held in Gran Canaria (Tafira in Berber, or Las Palmas, C a- 
nary Islands) in August 1997. It has also held several meetings since 
in Lyon in 1999 and in Roubaix in 2002. The objective of the con- 
gress is the establishment of "true Amazigh sovereignty" throughout 
Tamazgha, or land where Berber people reside, regardless of state 
borders. While the congress is transnational, its sphere of activities 
and structure are organized along national lines. It is a vehicle for fos- 
tering unity among Berbers, promoting Berber culture and language 
nationally and globally, and publicizing the plight of Berbers 
throughout Tamazgha, or the Berber nation, an area stretching from 
western Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean and from the Mediterranean Sea 
to the Niger River. 

- Y- 

YAN N AY E R . This term means "January," and it refers to the Amazigh 
New Year's Day. It is also called ighf n'usggas, asggas ujdid, haguza, 
or byannu, all denoting "new year." It is a common custom that on 
New Year's Eve or Day, some special foods are made. In south- 
central Morocco, haguza, or a seven-vegetable meal, is prepared. It is 
made of some meat, pitted dates, chickpeas, lentils, wheat, corn, and 
barley. Greens (zagzaw) are added to it so that the coming year may 
be green, and hot chili powder is not used since it may forecast a hot 
or difficult year for people. The origin of Yannayer dates back to the 
earliest known recorded testimony of the Berber migration and also 
the earliest written documentation of Libyan history. Inscriptions 
found in ancient Egypt dating from the Old Kingdom (ca. 2700-2200 
B.C.) are the first instances in which the Amazigh people were men- 
tioned in historical records and also refer to the foundation of the 
22nd Egyptian dynasty by the Amazigh ruler, Pharaoh Sheshonq I, in 
950 B.C. While Imazighen organize their religious life in concordance 
with the lunar-based calendar of Islam, their calendar is based on the 
Julian (solar) calendar, by which farming and pastoral nomadism are 
regulated by seasons, with the present Gregorian year of 2005 corre- 
sponding to the Amazigh year of 2955 . 

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142 • YASSINE ABDESSALAM (1928- ) 

YASSINE ABDESSALAM (1928- ). He is an Islamic activist, leader, 
and ideologue of the movement of Jama'at al- v Adl wal-Ihsan (Justice 
and Charity Association). With its estimated 30,000 members or 
more and its numerous and diffuse charitable, educational, and recre- 
ational associations, Al- v Adl wal-Ihsan represents the most influen- 
tial and structured Islamist movement in Morocco. The movement 
owes much of its importance to the charisma of its founder, 77-year- 
old Sheikh Abdessalam Yassine, a former regional inspector in the 
Ministry of National Education. Yassine was born into a modest 
farming household in the Haha area, not far from the town of Es- 
saouira in the SOUS region, and he is a native speaker of Tashalhit, a 
dialect of Tamazight. He was educated at Ben Youssef Institute in 
Marrakech and was later attributed an Idrisid genealogy and thus el- 
evated to Sharifian, or holy rank. In 1959, he traveled to the United 
States and France for educational training, spending 45 days in each 
country. Subsequent to a "crisis of faith" in 1965, he first became a 
disciple of the Sufi Sheikh al-Haj v Abbas of the tariqa Boutchichya 
near Berkane but made a sensational entry into politics nine years 
later by addressing an open protest letter to King Hassan II: dl-lslam 
awi Attoufdne (Islam or the Deluge). This gesture cost him six years 
in custody. Placed under house arrest in Sale, he regained his freedom 
only in May 2000 by order of Mohammed VI and immediately made 
public his second address: "Memorandum: To Whom It May Con- 
cern." To the young sovereign, he said this: "Redeem your father 
from torment by restoring to the people the goods they are entitled 
to"— in other words, the royal fortune, which, according to him, is 
equivalent to the country's foreign debt. 

His writings are known for their scathing criticism of the monar- 
chical institution, the official religious scholars, and the westernized 
elite, whom he blames for de-Islamizing and secularizing society. He 
also calls for a reconciliation of the state and da'wah (call) and the 
implementation of the prophetic model, which calls for the restora- 
tion of the caliphate. Yassine produced several books, political and 
economic tracts and commentaries, and spiritual letters. He also pub- 
lished a now-banned monthly magazine, al-) ama'ah. He authored 
more than 20 books and tracts. His works in French include Islamiser 
la modernite (1998), La revolution a I'heure de I' islam (1980), and 
Pour un dialogue avec les intellectuels occidentalisee (1980). His 

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YUSIAL-, SIDI LAHCEN (1631-1691) • 143 

Arabic publications are Islam between the Appeal and the State {al- 
ls! am bayna al-dda^wa wa ddawla, 1971), Tomorrow I si ami (1972), 
The Prophetic Method {a I minhaj al-nnabaoui, 1982), Islam and the 
Challenge of Marxism-Leninism (1989), Exemplary Men (1989), In- 
troduction to the Method (1989), Islam and the Challenge of Secular 
Nationalism (1989), Historical and Doctrinal Survey (1990), Muslim 
Reasoning between the Sovereignty of Revelation and the Domina- 
tion of Secular Rationalism (1994), and A Dialogue with Honorable 
D emocrats (1994). His spiritual and political letters include Islam or 
the Deluge: An Open Letter to the King of Morocco (1974), Spiritual 
G ems (1992), L etter of Reminder (1995), L etter to Students and to All 
Muslims (1995), Spiritual Poems (1996), On the Economy (1995), 
Guide to Believing Women (1996), Dialogue of the Past and the Fu- 
ture (1997), Dialogue with an Amazighi (Berber) Friend (1997), 
Spirituality (1998), M emorandum: To Whom ItM ay Concern (2000), 
and Justice: Islamists and Power (2000). 

As an accomplished Arabist and the leading Islamist thinker, Yassine 
published a book in 1997 Med Dialogue with an Amazigh Friend {Hi- 
warun ma a Sadiqin Amazighy), in which he objects to the political di- 
mension of Amazigh cultural and linguistic revival. He claims that the 
revival of the ancient Berber script of Tifinagh and the demand for con- 
stitutional change to recognize Tamazight as an official language in 
Morocco were not only serving French postcolonial interests but also 
represented blasphemous attacks on the Qur'an and Islam. 

YU SI AL-, SIDI LAHCEN (1631- 1691). His full name is Abu Ali al- 

Hasan Ibn Mas'ud Ibn Muhammad Ibn v Ali Ibn Yusuf Ibn Dawud Ibn 
Yadressan al-Buhadiwi. He is also known as Hassan al-Yusi. He was 
one of the greatest Moroccan scholars, and after his death he has been 
venerated as a saint. Al Yusi was born in the Ait Yussi of Enjil tribe 
south of Fes. The Ait Yussi tribe belongs to the Ait Idrassen confed- 
eration of the M iddle Atlas Mountains. He was trained in Sijil- 
massa, Tamgrut in the Draa, the Sous, and Marrakech. After he left 
Tamgrut, he spent 15 years teaching in the Dila zawiya until it was 
destroyed by Moulay Rachid in 1668. Afterward, he taught at al- 
Qarawiyin for five years, soon after left to teach in Marrakech at the 
mosque of the Shorfa, and then spent the remainder of his life under- 
taking several pilgrimages to the holy cities of the east. He died in 

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1691, and he is buried in the village of Tamzzazt (later called Sidi 
Lahcen near Sefrou), which is itself a major pilgrimage destination. 
A prolific writer, a restless traveler, as well as a holy man of con- 
siderable bdrdkd (divine grace), al-Yussi is said to have authored 
about 48 books on literature, poetry, legal commentaries, and theo- 
logical treaties, some of which have been lost. One of significant 
scholarly interest is his M uhdddfdt (Lectures), which is a register of 
major ideas, events, and debates of all sorts of the 17th century. He is 
also known for his three epistles to Sultan Moulay IsmaMl 
(1672-1727) reminding the sultan of the limits of his power and de- 
nouncing his abuse of power. A biography of the life and times of al- 
Yusi is available in French by Jacques Berque (1958). 

YUSUF IBN TASHAFIN. He was the first A Imoravid ruler from 1061 
to 1106. He was the cousin of the two Lamtuna (Sanhaja) leaders Ibn 
"Umar and Abu Bakr Ibn v Umar, who together with the theologian 
Abd Allah I bn Yasin founded the religious movement that took the 
Almoravids to power. He was entrusted with the military command 
of the conquered areas of southern Morocco, and he directed his ef- 
forts to the consolidation of power in his possessions. He laid down 
the basis of public administration, organized the tribesmen, and built 
up a coherent military force. He also transferred the seat of his gov- 
ernment from Aghmat in the M iddle Atlas to a fortified village that 
was to become the city of Marrakech (1061). Afterward, he system- 
atically set on the expansion of his domain over northern Morocco, 
Algeria, and al-AndalllS. Ibn Tashafin's statesmanship and religious 
conviction were essential to his efforts to forge Morocco out of vari- 
ous and hostile tribal emirates. He also achieved the unification of al- 
Andalus, divided into numerous city-states of the Party Kings and 
embodied into his empire. Although he undoubtedly was one of the 
most charismatic and powerful rulers of his time, he never ceased to 
recognize the spiritual guidance of the Abbasid caliphs in Baghdad. 


ZAKARIYA ABU AL WARIJ LANI. He was the historian of the Iba- 
dithe imamate of Tahart founded by the Rustumid dynasty in the 

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ZAWIYA • 145 

eighth century. He himself was a member of the Ibadithe branch of the 
heterodox Kharijite sect. There is little information about his life and 
scholarly itinerary beside the fact that he was born in the town of Ouar- 
gla, near Sadrata, a center of the Ibadithe doctrine and practices. The 
most famous of his works, al-Sira wa Akhabar al-A'imma (Biogra- 
phies and Traditions of the Imams), includes information on the North 
African Ibadithe community, on the lives and times of Ibadithe theolo- 
gians and scholars, and on the rise and fall of the Rustumid dynasty. 
Emile Masqueray translated this work into French, Chroniques d'Abou 
Zakaria (Algiers, 1878). See also KHARIJISM; MOZABITES. 

Z AN ATA . This is the name of one of the great historic Berber families 
of tribes. Before the Arab invasion, the Zanata confederation mi- 
grated from southern Tunisia and Tripolitania through the Saharan 
fringes, then further on to the Algerian highlands. Some remained in 
Tiaret and Tlemcen, and others moved on westward to the Moul- 
wiya valley in Morocco. Some Zanata groups are also found in the 
SOUS and the Marrakech area. From the 8th to the 11th century, 
Zanata tribes— the Maghrawa, Maknassa, and Banu Mfran— 
played key roles in shaping history in North Africa except for short 
periods when they were displaced by the Idrisids and the Fatimids. 
In 711, Maknassa tribesmen fought under Tariq Ibn Ziyad, and this 
ushered in the Arab period in Spain. The history making of Zanata 
was one of intense rivalries with their kindered Sanhaja. The Almo- 
hads, however, put an end to their power aspirations in northern Mo- 
rocco. From the 13th to the 16th century, particularly after the dis- 
integration of the Almohad dynasty, a series of Zanata tribal 
reconfigurations merged as a force capable of taking the reigns of 
power in North Africa. These include "Abd al Wadids (1236-1550) 
in present-day western Algeria and the Marinids (1244-1465) and 
the Wattasids (1465-1549) in Morocco. The Zanata political for- 
mations were supplanted by the Sa'diyin, an Arab dynasty of Shorfa 
lineage claims. Today, most of the R if Berber groups are said to be 
of Zanata ancestry. 

ZAW I YA. This Arabic term refers to the corner or angle of a building. 
In the Maghreb, the term is used interchangeably with ribat, for "the 
abode," meaning a religious lodge or order. It is usually associated 

06- 279 S- Z. qxd 6/ 22/ 06 8: 56 AM Page 

146 • ZAWIYA 

with a saintly man (or woman in rare cases), or murabit or marabout. 
It provides a space for the practice of localized forms of I slam, which 
are dominated by the mechanical repetition of certain invocatory 
words and phrases as well as Quranic texts (dhikr), liturgical chant- 
ing, passages of mystical writings and poetry, music, and rhythmical 
movements or dancing, all producing a state of common trance (a/- 
hdl). There were also a few ZdWiydS known for religious study who 
struggled to combine mystical learning methods and rational thought 
and established some of the finest theology schools, or madrassas. 
Usually a Zdwiyd stands for a place where a saint is buried, and its 
simple architecture consists of a whitewashed shrine with a cupola 
(qubbdh). Its location constitutes an inviolable space open to those 
seeking refuge from enemies or the public authorities. 

The spiritual head of the Zdwiyd is the sheikh. He is believed either 
to have saintly or Sharifian credentials (descent from the Prophet 
Muhammad) or to be endowed with the baraka (divine grace) received 
through the links of a mystical chain from the founding saint of the or- 
der. The sheikh leads religious and mystic rituals, initiates the neo- 
phytes, and oversees the management of the brotherhood in all worldly 
matters. A deputy called khdlifd assists the sheikh in the conduct of 
matters related to the brotherhood. A Wdkil supervises the landed prop- 
erty of the Zdwiyd, collects the yearly contributions, and distributes 
alms. A number of muqaddamin , or mandatories, administer the daugh- 
ter ZdWiydS or are in charge of missionary work. A ritual of initiation, 
or bay a, integrates new members (ikhwan) into the zawiya. 

Zawiyas often grew into strong institutions: a mosque, hostels for 
pilgrims, and living quarters for students and disciples who sought 
learning and spiritual perfection. Some zawiyas, as time went by, de- 
veloped into institutions of higher learning, sometimes competing 
with the mosque universities of major urban centers. With the rise of 
the power of the religious brotherhoods movement, or maraboutism, 
in the 15th and 16th centuries, the head of a distinguished zawiya, if 
capable of mobilizing the masses and demonstrating saintly descent, 
might widen his zone of influence to even national or regional sig- 
nificance. Some zawiyas, because of their religious as well as eco- 
nomic power, managed to turn locally based ritual practices into a 
formal system of governance, thereby challenging the legitimacy of 
central rule. 

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ZAYAANIAL-, ABU AL-QASIM IBN AHMAD (1734-1833?) • 147 

The 15th and 16th centuries, a period marked by the collapse and 
weakness of the central state and European control of the trade routes 
and ports, witnessed the rapid evolution and spread of ZdWiydS 
throughout the country. In the middle of chaos, ZdWiydS organized 
charity drives and mustered unity and solidarity. These events led to 
the rise of the Zdwiyd institution and its proliferation throughout the 
North African political landscape. The saints played an important 
role during these times of chaos and absence of the state. They rein- 
stated peace and order, without which many activities such as pas- 
toralism and the trans-Saharan trade would not have been possible. 
Their influence and quick rise to the political arena, however, gath- 
ered momentum, essentially because of preaching of jihad (holy war) 
and resistance against the encroaching European powers. On the re- 
ligious level, equipped with the power of bdrdkd, the saints favored 
Sufism and reinforced the spread of popular religion geared toward 
everyday life and anchored in experiences lived by their followers. 
Since independence, the ZdWiydS have lost their political influence 
and, with a few exceptions, much of their role in religious education 
and spiritual life. This loss is due to the combined hostility of the Is- 
lamic reformist movements (Salafiya movement) as well as the sec- 
ular political formations of postcolonial North Africa. See dlso 


was a Moroccan statesman and a historian, born in Fes of a family de- 
scended from the Zayan, a Berber tribe in the Middle Atlas in the 
area of Khenifra. He traveled extensively in and outside Morocco, 
and he is considered one of the greatest premodern Moroccan histo- 
rians. He studied theology and accompanied his parents on pilgrim- 
age to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. On his return— and after 
being imprisoned by Sultan Moulay Yazid— he spent much of his life 
in high public service as an imperial secretary, peace envoy to rebel- 
lious Berber tribes, ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, governor 
first of Taza then of Sijilmassa, vizier, and chamberlain. 

Al-Zayaani authored 20 books on history and geography. His his- 
torical opus consists of seven works. The most important is a general 
history from the creation of the world to the 19th century, dl-Turjumddn 

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148 • ZAYDOU HMAD (1880S-1936) 

al-Mur'ib 'an Duwal al-Mashriq wa al-Maghreb (The Lucid Inter- 
preter of the States of the Orient and the Occident), the latter section 
of which (Le Maroc de 1631-1812) was translated by O. Houdas 
(1969). He deals with the entire history of the world of Islam and in 
detail with the Ottoman Empire and the dynasties of the Maghreb and 
al-Andalus. This work follows aPIfrani's Nuzhat al-Hadi but in- 
cludes data from his own firsthand accounts and observations based 
on painstaking research. His other, less known works include a his- 
tory of the Alawite dynasty, al Bustan al-Darrif fi Dawlat awlad 
Moulay 'AH al-Sharif, also titled al-Rawda al-Sulaymaniya fi Muluk 
al Dawla al-lsma'iliya wa man Taqaddamaha min al-Duwal al-ls- 
lamiya; a genealogy of the Shofa in the Maghreb, Tuhfat al Had! al- 
Mutrib fi Rafl Nasab Shoraf al- Maghreb; two works dealing with 
conspirators against Sultan Moulay Sulayman (ca. 1821), Tuhfat al- 
Nubaha'fi Tafriqa Bayn al-Fugaha' and Maqama fi Dhamm al-Rijal; 
a history of the reign of Moulay Sulayman, al-Taj wa al-lklil fi 
Ma'ithir al-Sultan al-Jalil Sulayman Ibn Mohammed Ibn 'Abd Allah 
Ibn Isma'il; and an addendum as well as a "map of the seas" drawn 
by himself were added to his al-Turjmaan, Takmil al-Turjmaan fi 
KhilafatMoulana 'Abd al-Rahman. 

Al-Zayaani also wrote three geographical works of particular in- 
terest. The first, R ihlat al-H udhdhaq li-M ushahadit al-B uldan wa al- 
Afaq, was a general geography account. The second, al-Turjumaan 
al-Kubra allati jama'ati Akhbar Mudun al 'Alam baran wa bahran, 
relates his travels outside Morocco. The third, Ibahat al al-Udaba' 
wa al-Nuhat II al-Jam' bayn al-Akhwat al-Thalat, tells of his third 
voyage. Of interest also is a treatise on politics, Risalatal-Suluk fi ma 
Yajibu 'ala al-Muluk. 

ZAYD OU HMAD (1880s- 1936). Zayd was a member of the Ait 
Marghad tribe, which belongs to the Ait Yaflman confederation. He 
also went by the nickname of Oumkhddash in reference to his clan 
affiliation, Ait Amkhddash. He was born in the village of Igudman, a 
community in the Imdghas region of the Upper Ghris valley. Today, 
it is part of the Ait Hani administrative cercle in the Errachidia 
Province. The area is located in the heart of the eastern High Atlas 
Mountains, and it is known for its fierce resistance against the 
French in the late 1920s and early 1930s. 

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ZIRIDS (973-1148) • 149 

As a youth, Zayd Ou Hmad witnessed the French invasion of his 
homeland and the imposition of the Glawi authority on parts of 
Dades, Tudgha, Farkla, and Ghris territories. The pacification by the 
French of the High Atlas and Jbel Saghro tribes was very long and 
hard and was accomplished only after several savage battles. In 1933, 
Zayd ou Hmad lost his wife during a French air bombardment of 
the Imdghas dissident villages. From 1934 to 1936, Zayd Ou 
Hmad, along with a fellow tribesman, Moha ou Hammou, led a jihad 
campaign against the French and their Muslim collaborators in the 
greater eastern High Atlas Mountains. During this time, he was the 
symbol of colonial resistance in the region, although he resorted to 
"banditry of honor" to sustain his efforts. Zayd ou Hmad and his re- 
sistance fighters tormented the French army and killed two officers, 
two noncommissioned officers, five legionnaires, 23 auxiliaries (or 
goumiers), and above all dealt French prestige and morale a painful 
blow. On 5 March 1936, Zayd Ou Hmad and his fellow fighters were 
killed in Tadafalt, an Ait Atta village a few kilometers south of 

Afterward, the French authorities instituted a campaign of reprisals 
against villages and individuals thought to have assisted Zayd ou 
Hmad's struggle. Many villages were collectively punished, and several 
families and individuals were made destitute and inhumanly extermi- 
nated as in the cruel punishment of Sidi v Aqqa of Aghbalu nKardous 
(who was crucified and run over by a car) and the imprisonment and 
destitution (with forced labor) of the Ait Amkhaddash family and the Ait 
Atta notables of the Msemrir village in the Dades valley. 

ZIRIDS (973-1148). The Zirid dynasty ruled present-day Algeria, 
Tunisia, and Libya from 973 until 1148. They belong to the Talkata 
tribe, a sedentary Sanhaja group. In the contest for power in the 
Maghrib between the Umayyad of al-Andalus and the Fatimids, 
they were Fatimid supporters, while their enemies, the M aghrawa of 
the Zanata confederation, took the side of the Umayyad. When the 
Fatimids left the Maghrib, they appointed Bulluggin Ibn Ziri as their 
viceroy. After his death in 984, civil strife ensued, resulting in the 
partition of the Zirid dynasty into two distinct provinces, one ruled by 
Hammad Ibn Bulluggin in the central Maghrib and the other one in 
Ifriqya, or present-day Tunisia, as well as Tripolitania. 

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150 • ZIRIDS (973-1148) 

Prior to civil war, they maintained ambiguous relations with their 
previous masters, the Fatimids who left to Egypt. After it, they dis- 
tanced themselves from the Fatimids. In contrast to their Shiite over- 
lords, the Sunni Zirids cultivated the Maliki religious doctrine and 
practices. Emir al-Mu'izz renounced obedience to his Fatimid sover- 
eigns by assuming secular authority and recognizing the spiritual 
leadership of the Abbasid caliph, further suspending the dynasty's 
links to the Fatimids in 1045. At the same time, by the middle of the 
11th century, deteriorating economic conditions precipitated the final 
Fatimid-Zirid split. Caravan routes were also shifting toward a ter- 
minus in Egypt of the Fatimids and toward the western Maghrib, 
where the Almoravids were establishing new trade centers. As a con- 
sequence, the Zirid traditional commercial hub of Qayrawan experi- 
enced serious economic crises that had an impact on the region. Al- 
Mu'izz became convinced that only a break with Egypt, ending 
Ifriqya's status of vassal of the Fatimids, would enable him to restore 
a measure of stability in his province. 

In response to Al-Mu'izz's posturing, the Fatimids sent groups of 
Arab nomadic tribes, the Banu Hilal. The Zirids first did not under- 
stand the potential threat of this invasion. Rather than pushing them 
back, they used the tribes to police rural areas. After several attempts 
at dealing with this threat, in 1049, al-Mu v izz was beaten and with- 
drew to al-Mahdiya, leaving the city of Qayrawan defenseless to be 
plundered. In 1159, what remained of the Zirid dynasty was incorpo- 
rated in the Almohad Empire. A significant consequence of the Arab 
migrations was the implantation of a substantial Arab population in 
North Africa, leading to a process of Arabization that intensified 
with the subsequent arrival of similar Arab nomadic groups, the Banu 
Sulaym and Ma'qil. 

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Page 151 

Appendix A: 
Ruling Chronologies of Berber Dynasties 


R: reign begins/reign ends. 

D: dies in office or dies later but same year reigns ends. 

N.B.: Occasionally a new city or region proclaims a sultan so a new 

more inclusive reign begins at a second date. 



d. 206 or 203 b.c 





Hiempsal I 


Adherbal (brother of the preceding) 


Jugurtha (son of Mastanabal son of Massinissa) 


Gauda (brother of Jugurtha) 


Hiempsal II 


Juba I 


Juba II 

a.d. 25-23 




Conquerers Date of Arrival 

^Abd Allah ben Sa^d 647 

Mu~ awiyya ben Hudayj 665 


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Page 152 


"Uqba ben Naff (first period of command) 670 

Abul Muhajir Dinar 674-675 

"Uqba (second period of command) 681-682 

Zuhayr Ben Qays al-Balawi 688 

Hassan Ben an-Nif maan 692 

Musa Ben Nusayr 705 


Muhammad Yazid al-Qurashi 715 

Ismail ben v Ubayd Allah ben Abi al-Muhajir 718 

Yazid Ben Abi Muslim 720 

Bishr Ben Safwan al-Kalbi 721 

^Ubayd Allah Ben al-Habhab 723 or 735 

Kulthum Ben Iyad al-Qurashi 741 

Hanzala Ben Safwan 742 


Abd al-Rahman Ibn Rustum 776-784 

Abd al-Wahhab Ibn Abd al-Rahman 784-823 

Abu Said al-Aflah Ibn Abd al-Wahhab 823-87 1 (868?) 

Abu Bakr Ibn al-Aflah 871 (868?) 

Abu al-Yaqzan Muhammad Ibn al-Aflah 87 1 (868?)-894 

Abu Hatim Yusuf Ibn Muhammad, first reign 894-? 

Yaqub Ibn al-Aflah, first reign ? 

Abu Hatim Yusuf Ibn Muhammad, second reign ? 

Yaqub Ibn al-Aflah, second reign 906-908 


Abu Malik al-Muntasir bn al-yasa' (d. 867) 

Maymun bn Thaqiya, al-Amir (d. 876/877) 

Muhammad bn Maymun (d. 884) 

al-Yasa' bn al-Muntasir bn al-Yasa' (d. 909) 

Wasu, al-fath (d. 913) 

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Page 153 


Ahmad bn Maymun bn Thaqiy a (d. 921) 

Muhammad bn Sara al-Mu'tazz (d. 933/934) 

Abu al-Muntasir bn al-Mu'tazz (942/943) 

al-Muntasir samgu bn Muhammad (942/943: a child) 

IbnWasul, regent (942-958) 

Muhammad bn al-Fath Wasul n Maymun al-Amir (d. 976/7) 


v Ubayd Allah al-Mahdi Billah 909-934 

Muhammad al-Qaim Bi-Amrillah 934-946 

Isma'il al-Mansur Bi-Nasrillah 946-952 

Ma'ad al-Muizz Li-Deenillah 952-975 

Abu Mansoor Nizar al-Aziz Billah 975-996 

Husayn al-Hakim Bi-Amrillah 996-1021 

Ali az-Zahir 1021-1035 

Ma'ad al-Mustansir Billah 1035-1094 

al-Musta'li 1094-1101 

al-Amir Bi-Ahkamillah 1101-1130 

al-Hafiz 1130-1149 

az-Zafir 1149-1154 

al-Faiz 1154-1160 

al-Adid 1160-1171 

NEAR QAYRAWAN, 973-1148) 

Abul-Futuh Sayf ad-Dawla Buluggin ibn Ziri 973-983 

Abul-Fat'h al-Mansur ibn Buluggin 983-995 

Abu Qatada Nasir ad-Dawla Badis ibn Mansur 995-1015 

Sharaf ad-Dawla al-Muizz ibn Badis 1015-1062 

Abu Tahir Tamim ibn al-Muizz 1062-1 108 

Yahya ibn Tamim 1108-1131 

AliibnYahya 1115-1121 

Abul-Hasan al-Hasan ibn Ali 1121-1148 

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Page 154 


VII. MAGHRAWA OF FES (987-1069) 

One lineage with two branches providing: 

1 . Muhammad ben Kahzar ' Abd Allah ' Atiya 

Ziri 987-1001 

al-Muiz 1001-1026 


Hammad d. 1043 

Mu'ansar 1063-1067 

Tamim 1067-1069 

2. Muhammad ben Khazar 'Abd Allah 'Atiya al-Mu'iz 
Hamama 1026-1032 

Fatuh 1060-1062 

'Ajiza d. 1063 

THEN BOGGIE, 1014-1152) 

Hammad Ibn Buluggin 1014-1028 

al-Qad Ibn Bulugin 1028-1055 

Muhsin Ibn Buluggin 1055 

Buluggin Ibn Muhammad 1056-1062 

Al-Nasir Ibn Alannas 1062-1088 

al-Mansur Ibn al-Nasir 1088-1 104 

Badis Ibn al-Mansur 1104 

al- Aziz Ibn al-Mansur 1105-1122 

Yahya In al-Aziz 1122-1152 


Yusuf Ibn TashufFn 1061-1 107 

'AlFlbnYusuf 1107-1143 

TashufFn Ibn 'AH 1 143-1 145 

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Page 155 


Ibrahim Ibn Tashufin 1145 

Ishaq Ibn 'All 1145-1147 


The Mahdi Muhammad Ibn Tumart 1 1 30 

Abd al-Mu'min 1133-1163 

Abu Ya'qub Yusuf 1163-1184 

Abu Yusuf Ya'qub al-Mansur 1184-1199 

Muhammad al-Nasir 1 1 99-1 2 1 3 

Abu Ya'qub Yusuf al-Mustansir 1213-1224 
Abu Muhammad al-Wahid called 

al-Makhlu (The Deposed) _ 1224 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad al-' Adil 1224-1227 

Abu al-'Ula Idrfs al-Ma'mun 1227-1232 

Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahid al-RashFd 1232-1242 

Abu al-Hasan 'Ali al-Sa'Fd 1242-1248 

Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Murtada 1248-1266 
Abu al-'Ula Idrfs al-Wathiq, called Abu Dabbus 1266-1269 

Ishaq (brother of al-Murtada) 1269-1276 


Abu Yahya ^Abd al-Haqq 1244-1258 

YTqub Abu Yusuf al-Mansur 1258-1286 

Yusuf Abu Ya^qub al-Nasir 1286-1307 

^ Amir Ben ^Abd Allah Ben Yusuf Abu Thabit 1307-1308 

Sualyman Abu Rabf (brother of the preceding) 1308-1310 

v Uthman II Ben Ya^qub Abu SaMd 1310-1331 

* Ali Abu al-Hasan 1331-1348 

Faris Abu ^Inan 1348-1358 

Muhammad Abu Ziyyaan I 1358-1358 

Abu Bakr al-Sa^id (brother of the preceding) 1358-1359 

Supremacy of viziers under 17 sultans 1358-1374 

Ibrahim Ben v Ali Abu Salim 1359-1361 

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Page 156 


Tashfin Abu 'Umar (brother of the preceding) 1361-1361 
Muhammad Ben ya'qub Ben " Ali Aby 

Ziyyaan al-Muntasir 1361-1366 

v Abd aKAziz I ben v Ali Abu Faris 1366-1372 

Muhammad Abu Ziyyan al-Sa'id II 1372-1373 
Ahmad Ben Ibrahim Abu al-" Abbas al-Muntasir 

(first reign) 1373-1384 
Tutelage of Muhammad V of Granada during the 

reign of four sultans 1374-1390 

Musa Ben Faris Abu Faris al-Mutawakkil 1384-1386 

Muhammad Ben Ahmad Abu Zayyan al-Wathiq 1386-1387 
Ahmad Ben Ibrahim Abu al-" Abbas al-Muntasir 

(second reign) 1387-1393 

"Abd al-"Aziz II Ben Ahmad Abu Faris 1393-1396 

New supremacy of viziers under 3 sultans 1393-1421 

"Abd Allah Abu " Amir (brother of the preceding) 1396-1398 

"Uthman III Abu Sa"id (brother of the preceding) 1398-1420 

XII. THE HASFIDS (TUNIS, 1228-1574) 

Abu Zakariyya' Yahya I 1228-1249 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad I al-Mustansir 1249-1277 

Abu Zakariyya' Yahya II al-Wathiq 1277-1279 

Abu Ishaq Ibrahim I 1279-1283 

Abu Hafs 'Umar I 1284-1295 

Abu ' Abd Allah Muhammad II Abu Asida 1 295- 1 309 

Abu Yahya Abu Bakr al- Shahid 1 309 

Abu al-Baqa Khalid I 1309-1311 

Abu Yahya Zakariyya' I Ibn al-Lihyani 1311-1317 

AbuDarba 1317-1318 

Abu Yahya Abu Bakr 1318-1346 

Abu Hafs 'Umar II 1346-1347 

First Marinid Occupation 1347-1349 

Abu al-' Abbas Ahmad al Fadl 1350 

Abulshaq Ibrahim II 1350-1369 

Second Marinid Occupation 1357 

Abu al-Baqa Khalid II 1369-1370 

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Page 157 


Abu al-' Abbas Ahmad 1370-1394 

Abu Faris 'Abd al-Aziz 1394-1434 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammed IV al-Muntasir 1344-1435 

Abu 'Aim 'Uthman 1435-1488 

Abu Zakariyya' Yahya III 1488-1489 

'AbD al-Mu'min 1489 

Abu Yahya Zakariyya' II 1489-1494 

Abu 'abd Allah Muhammad V 1494-1526 

Mulay al-Hasan 1526-1542 

Sultan Ahmad, called Hamida 1542-1569 

Mulay Muhammad 1573-1574 


Abu Yahya Yaghmurasan Ibn Zayyan 1236-1282 

Abu Sa'id Uthman I Ibn Yaghmurasan 1282-1303 

Abu Zayyan I Muhammad Ibn Uthman 1303-1308 

Abu Hammu I Musa Ibn Uthman 1308-1318 

Abu Tashufin I Abd al-Rahman Ibn Musa 1318-1337 

First Marinid Occupation 1337-1348 
Abu Sa'id Uthman II Ibn Abd al-Rahman and his 

brother Abu Thabit 1348-1352 

Second Marinid Occupation 1352-1359 

Abu Hammu II Ibn Abf Yaqub 1359-1389 

Abu Tashufin II Abd al-Rahman Ibn Musa 1389-1393 

Abu Thabit II Yusuf Ibn Abd al-Rahman 1 393 

Abu Hajjaj Yusuf Ibn Musa 1 393-1 394 

Abu Zayyan II Muhammad Ibn Musa 1394-1399 

Abu Muhammad Abd Allah I Ibn Musa 1399-1401 

Abu Abd Allah Muhammad I Ibn Musa 1401-1411 

Abd al-Rahman Ibn Musa 1411 

Abu Sa'id Ibn Musa 1411 

Abu Malik Abd al-Wahid Ibn Musa 1411-1424 

Abu Abd Allah Muhammad II Ibn Abd al-Rahman 1424-1427 


Abu al- Abbas Ahmad Ibn Musa 1 430- 1 46 1 

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Page 158 


Abu Abd Allah Muhammad III al-Mutawakkil 

Ibn Muhammad 1461-1468 

Abu Tashufin III Ibn Muhammad al-Mutawakkil 1468 
Abu Abd Allah Muhammad IV al-Thabit Ibn 

Muhammad al-Mutawakkil 1468-1504 

Abu Abd Allah Muhammad V 1 504- 1 5 1 7 

Abu Hammu III Musa Ibn Muhammad III 1517-1527 

Abu Muhammad Abd Allah II Ibn Muhammad III 1527-1540 

Abu Abd Allah Muhammad VI Ibn Abd Allah 1 540 

Abu Zayyan III 1540-1550 

Al-Hassan Ibn Abd Allah 1550 

XIV. THE WATTASIDS (FES, 1420-1550) 


Yahya I Ben Zayyan Abu Zakariyya 1420-1458 

Ali Ben Yusuf ben al-Mansur Ben Zayyan 1458-1458 

Yahya II Ben Yahya I d. 1458 


Muhammad al-Shaykh (brother of the preceding) 1471-1505 

Muhammad al-Burtughali 1505-1524 

x Ali Abu Hassfin Abu al-Hasan 1524-1554 

Ahmad Ben Muhammad al-Butughali Abu v Abbas 1524-1550 

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>M Page 159 

Appendix B: 

The following maps are arranged chronologically and are modified 
from a map published elsewhere that is listed as the source but gener- 
ally are not identical to the original map. I have corrected errors and, in 
many instances, added information to the map. However, I would like 
to acknowledge the original work of cartographers in all cases. The 
maps that follow cover a representative sample of North African history 
and are intended to complement the text. 


06-279 z2 Appendix B. qxd 6/22/06 12:3 

M Page 160 

06-279 z2 Appendix B. qxd 6/22/06 12:3 

M Page 161 


»<? J> 

Tuareg Groups 


200 400 600 800 1.000 
■ Km 

■ Miles 

100 ZOO 300 400 500 


Main Tuareg groups. Adapted from M. Brett and E. Fentress (1997): 202. 

06-279 z2 Appendix B. qxd 6/22/06 12: 3 

m Page 162 












06-279 z2 Appendix B. qxd 6/22/06 12:3 

M Page 163 








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-H* AlmoratJd Conquest I05ft-h!84 

«R» Ik-ni I til ul InvHtiuu from miil-lllh Ceniury 

^^— Major rommcrcial routrs in I he lUlh lu l4ln.CenIu.rin 

fSffii Alrowavjd Kmpjn? 
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300 600 900 1.200 1,500 

^^^^^^^^^^T^^^^^i^i^B Km 

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150 300 450 S00 750 

V ^ J ^ 

The Almoravid Empire 1100, showing commercial trade routes from the 
10th-14th centuries. Adapted from Charles-Andre Julien (1970): 78. 

06-279 z2 Appendix B. qxd 6/22/06 12:3 

M Page 174 

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Page 181 

Appendix C: 
Berber Alphabet 

06-279 z3 Appendix C. qxd 6/22/06 8:58, 


Page 182 

Alphabet Ti/iriasrhe-Ircam 

fiableau utficicl tic l J Fi]phabel Ji/inagheicl qu'jj est realise par 1(1 Ccntr*: ri'AmeHagcment 
Uogui&ttqug (CA1) el consacre par HRCAM) 



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06-279 z4 Bi bl i ography. qxd 6/22/06 8: 


,AM Page 183 



I. Introduction 184 

II. General 184 

A. Bibliographies 184 

B. Biographies 187 

C. Classic Manuscripts, Translations, and Critical Commentary 11 

D . Edited Collections 1 9 1 

E. Dictionaries 192 

F. Travel 194 

III. History 198 

A. General 198 
B.Early 202 

1 . Algeria and Tunisia 202 

2. Libya 204 

3. Mali and Niger 206 

4. Mauritania 208 

5. Morocco 208 

C. Precolonial Islamic Period 210 

1. Morocco 210 

2. Niger 218 

3 . Tunisia and Algeria 219 

D. Colonial 223 

1 . Algeria 223 

2. Libya 224 

3. Mali and Niger 226 

4. Mauritania 226 

5. Morocco 227 

6. Tunisia 231 

E. Modern 232 

1. Algeria 232 

2. Mauritania 234 


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,AM Page 184 


3. Morocco 234 

4. Tunisia 236 
IV. Ethnology 236 

A. Algeria 236 
B.Libya 243 

C. Morocco 244 

D. Tunisia 256 

E. Tuareg (Southern Algeria, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger) 258 
V. Language and Literature 267 

VI. Gender Studies 298 
VII. Religion 301 

A. Ibadhism (Algeria, Libya, and Tunisia) 301 

B . Judaic Studies 303 

C. Morocco 306 
VIII. Politics 308 

A. Mali and Niger 308 
B.Morocco 309 
IX. Human Rights and Law 311 
X. Websites 316 


Although the Berbers constitute no independent state to write or encourage the 
study of Berber history and society and despite the fact that their history has al- 
ways been written by the victors, there is an extensive set of works on the 
Berbers in Western and Middle Eastern languages. Most of these works, how- 
ever, are in Arabic, French, and Spanish. This bibliography of key reference 
works is divided into a number of sections. To conserve space, I have attempted 
to minimize duplications even when a reference clearly would fit into more 
than one section, area, or historical period. Therefore, readers will on occasion 
consult more than one section or area to locate relevant references for a given 


A. Bibliographies 

Adam, Andre. Bibliographie critique de sociologie, d'ethnoiogie et de geogra- 

phie humaine du M aroc. Algiers: CNRS, 1972. 
Albertini, Eugene. L'Afrique du Nord francaise dans i'histoire. Lyon: Archat, 


06-279 z4 Bi bl i ography. qxd 6/22/06 8: 


,AM Page 185 


Arnaiz, Dora Bacaicoa. Bibliografia Marmqui 1958. Tetuan: Editorial Cre- 

maades, 1958. 
Attal, Robert. Lesjuifs d'Afrique du Nord: Bibliographie. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi 

Institute, 1973. 
AWAL, Cahiers d'etudes berberes, 21 vols, to date (1985- ). Paris: Centre na- 
tional du Livre et du Fonds d'action sociale. 
Bauer y Landauer, Ignacio. Apuntes para una bibliografia de Marruecos. 

Madrid: Editorial Ibero-Africano- Americana, 1922. 
Bougchiche, Lamara. Lang ues et literatures berberes des origines a nos jours. 

Bibliographie Internationale de plus de 6000 references, de 2300 auteurs. 

Paris: Ibis Press, 1997. 
Brenier-Strine, Claude. Bibliographie allantjusqu'en 1994. Tours: Publications 

deLTRENAM, 1996. 
Calderini, Simonetta, Delia Cortese, and James L. A. Webb Jr. Mauritania. 

World Bibliographical Series, no. 141. Oxford: Clio Press, 1992. 
Cenival, Pierre de. Bibliographie M arocaine. Paris: Larose, 1937. 
Centre de Recherche Berbere. Bibliographie Berbere (online). Paris: Institut 

National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales. 

. Encyclopedie Berbere. Institut National des Langues et Civilisations 

Orientales. Vols. 1-27. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud Editions, 1984-2005. 
.Hommes et Femmes de Kabylie: Dictionnaire biographique, historique 

et culturel . Sous la direction de Salem Chaker. Institut National des Langues 
et Civilisations Orientales. Vol. 1. Aix-en-Provence: Ina-Yas/Edisud Edi- 
tions, 2001. 

Chaker, Salem. Une decennie d'etudes berberes (1980-1990): Bibliographie 
critique. Algiers: Bouchene, 1991. 

Chaker, Salem, and Abdellah Bounfour. Langues et literatures Berberes: 
Chronique des etudes berberes XII (1992- 1993). Paris: Institut National des 
Langues et Civilisations Orientales, 1994. 

. Langues et litteratures Berberes: Chronique des etudes berberes XII 

(1994- 1995). Paiis: L'Harmattan, 1996. 

Creswell, K. A. C. A Bibliography of Muslim Architecture in North Africa (Ex- 
cluding Egypt). Supplement to Hesperis, vol. 41. Paris: Larose, 1954. 

Fondation du Roi Abdul-Aziz. L'Amazigh: Langue, culture et histoire. 
Casablanca: Fondation du Roi Abdul- Aziz, 2003. 

. Le Rifface aux visees COloniales (1921-1921). Casablanca: Fondation 

du Roi Abdul- Aziz, 2003. 

.Debuts de I'ecriture au M aghreb . Casablanca: Fondation du Roi Abdul- 

Aziz, 2004. 
. Fihras al-makhtutat al-'arabiyya wa al-amazighiyya. 2 vols. Moham- 

madia: matba'at Fedala, 2005. 
Galand, Lionel. Langues et litteratures berberes. Vingt cinq ans d'etudes. 
Chronique de I'Annuaire de I'Afrique du Nord. Paris: CNRS, 1979. 

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Gaudio, Attilio. Les bibliotheques du desert: Recherches et etudes sur un mil- 
lenaire d'krits. Actes des colloques du CIRSS (1995-2000). Paris: L'Har- 
mattan, 2002. 

Gil Grimau, Rodolfo. Aproximacion a una bibliografia espahola sobre el Norte 
Africa 1850- 1980. Vol. 1. Madrid: Ministry of Foreign Affaires, 1982. 

Hamody, Mohamed Said Ould. Bibliographie generate de la M auritanie. Paris: 
Editions Sepia, 1995. 

Joucla, E. Bibliographie de I'Afrique occi dental e francaise. Paris: Societe 
d'Editions Geographiques Maritimes et Coloniales, 1937. 

Jucovy, Kyra and John Alderete. A Bibliography of Berber Language Materi- 
als, 2001 . .htm 
(accessed May 15, 2005). 

La Coste, Camille. Bibliographie de la Grande Kabylie. Paris: Mouton & Co., 

Martin, A. G. P.Quatre siecles d'histoiremarocaine: Au Sahara de 1504-1902, 
au Maroc de 1894-1912. Paris: Librairie Alcan, 1923. 

Mauny, Raymond. "Bibliographie de l'empire du Mali." Notes Africaines 82 
(1959): 55-56. 

Miege, Jean-Louis. Le Maroc et I' Europe 1830-1894. Vol. 1: Sources and Bib- 
liographies. Paris: PUF, 1960. 

Moytlinski, A. de. "Bibliographie du Mzab." Bulletin de Correspondance 
Africaine3 (1885): 15-72. 

Prussin, Labelle, and David Lee. "Architecture in Africa: An Annotated Bibli- 
ography. Part I: North and West Africa." Africana Library Journal 3-4 
(1973): 2-32. 

Rishworth, S. Knoke. Spanish-Speaking Africa: A Guide to Official Publica- 
tions. African section. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1973. 

Schluter, Hans. "Al-marji' aw al-bibliyughrafiya al-maghribiya. thaniyan: 
qa'ima bi-1-manshurat al-ajnabiya al-muta'alliqa bi-1-maghrib al-'arabi 
(Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, North Africa)." Majallat al-buhuth al- 
tarikhiya 4 (1982): 387-408. 

Sellami, Louisa. "Bibliographical references on Amazigh Culture." 2005. (accessed May 15, 2005). 

Shinar, P. Essai de bibliographie selective et annotee sur I'lslam maghrebin con- 
temporain: Maroc, Algerie, Tunisie, Libye (1830- 1978). Paris: CNRS, 1983. 

Toupet, Charles. "Orientation Bibliographique sur la Mauritanie." Bulletin de 
I'lnstitutFrangaisd'AfriqueNoir XXI (1959): 201-39. 

"Orientation Bibliographique sur la Mauritanie." B ulletin de I'lnstitutFrancais 
d'Afrique Noir XXIV (1962): 594-613. 

Turbet-Delof, Guy. Bibliographie critique du Maghreb dans la literature 
frangaise de 1532 a 1715. Algiers: SNED, 1976. 

. "Petit supplement bibliographique pour servir a l'histoire du Maghreb." 

Revue d'HistoireMaghrebine 15 (1988): 128-30. 

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Vajda, Georges. "Notes de bibliographie maghrebine." Hesperis 37 (1950): 
208-16; 41 (1954): 365-77. 

B. Biographies 

Albertini, Eugene. "Un temoignage de Saint Augustin sur la prosperite relative 
de l'Afrique au IVe siecle." In Melanges Paul Thomas, 1-5. Brugge: Im- 
primerie Sainte Catherine, 1930. 

Barbier, Maurice. Tmis frangais au Sahara occidental en 1784-1786. Intro- 
duction, choix de textes et notes par Maurice Barbier. Paris: L'Harmattan, 

Benabou, Marcel. "Juba II ou l'africanite vassale." In L es A fricains, vol. 9, edited 
by Charles Andre Julien et al., 141-66. Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1977. 

. "Tacfarinas: Insurge berbere contre la colonisation romaine." In Les 

Africains, vol. 12, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 293-310. Paris: Edi- 
tions Jeune Afrique, 1977. 

Berque, Jacques. Al-Youssi: Problemes de culture marocaine au XVIIe siecle. 
Paris: Mouton, 1958. 

Bouchenaki, Mounir. "Jugurtha: Un roi berbere et sa guerre contre Rome." In 
Les Africains, vol. 4, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 165-92. Paris: 
Editions Jeune Afrique, 1977. 

Desire- Vuillemin, G. M. "Cheikh Ma El AYnin et le Maroc, ou l'echec d'un 
modeme Almoravide." Revue de I'histoire des colonies frangaises 45 (1958): 

Durosoy, Maurice. Lyautey: Marechal de France, 1854-1934. Paris: Lavauzelle, 

Enan, M. A. Ibn Khaldun, His Life and Work. 2nd ed. Lahore, 1946. 

Gateau, Albert. "Travaux." Hesperis 37 (1950): 1-4. 

Harbi, M. "Abane Ramdane." In Les Africains, vol. 11, edited by Charles- 
Andre Julien et al., 217-38. Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 

Hart, David. "Assu u-ba Slam." In Les Africains, vol. 5, edited by Charles- 
Andre Julien et al., 75-106. Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 

Houroro, Faouzi M. Sociologie politique coloniale au M aroc: CasdeM ichaux- 
B el I aire. Casablanca: Afrique Orient, 1988. 

Howe, S. "Charles de Foucauld, Explorer of Morocco and Knight Errant of 
Christ." M uslim World 18 (1928): 124-46. 

Kadra, Houaria. J ugurtha: Un Berbere contre Rome. Paris: Arlea, 2005. 

Khalil, Mohamed. Mohammad al-mukhtar al-susi: Dirasat li-shaksiyatih wa- 
shi'irih. Al-dar al-bayda': mu'assasat al-tiba'a wa-1-nashr, 1985. 

.Al-Mokhtar al-Sussi: Al-dhakira al-musta'ada. Casablanca: Imprimerie 

Najah El Jadida, 1986. 

Levi-Provencal, Evariste. "Un historiographe et poete de cour merinide: Abu 
farisal-malzuzi."/WEO/ (1934-1935): 189-92. 

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Lyautey, Louis Hubert Gonzalve. Lyautey I'africain; textes et lettres du 
marechal Lyautey. Presented par Pierre Lyautey. 4 vols. Paris: Plon, 1953— 

Mameri, Khalfa. Abbane Ramdane. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1988. 

Mandouze, Andre. "Saint Augustin: Une africanite en question." In Les 
Africains, vol. 10, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 73-104. Paris: Edi- 
tions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 

Martin, B . "Ma al- v Aynayan al-Qalqami ou la resistance d'un shaykh saharien." 
In Les Africains, vol. 12, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 173-96. Paris: 
Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 

Merad, Ali. "L'autobiographie d'Ibn Khaldun." IBLA 19 (1956): 53-64. 

. "Abd Al-Mu'min a la conquete de l'Afrique du Nord (1130-1163)." An- 
nates de I'lnstitut d'etudes orientates 15 (1957): 109-60. 

.A Christian Hermit in an IsiamicWorid: A Musiim'sViewofChariesde 

Foucauid. Translated by Zoe Hersov. New York: Paulist Press, 1999. 
Miguel, Andre. "Ibn Battuta: Trente annees de voyages de Pekin au Niger." In 

Les Africains, vol. 1, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 113-40. Paris: 

Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 
Morsy, Magali. "El Haj Thami Elglaoui: Un grand caid contre le sultan et 

Findependance marocaine." In Les Africains, vol. 8, edited by Charles An- 
dre Julien et al., 65-99. Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1977. 
al-Mukhtar al-Soussi. Ai-dhakira ai-musta'ada: a 'mat ai-nadwa allati naz- 

zamaha ittihad kutab ai-maghrib bi-ta'awun ma' a ai-majiis ai-baiadi //'- 

madina agadir. Al-dar al-bayda': matba'at al-najah al-jadida, 1986. 
Norris, H. T. "New Evidence on the Life of 'Abdullah b. Yasin and the Origins 

of the Almoravid Movement." Journai of African History 12 (1971): 255-68. 
. '"Abdullah Ibn Yasin et la dynamique conquerante des Almoravides." 

In Les Africains, vol. 12, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 15-40. Paris: 

Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 
Oussaid, Brick. Les coqueiicots de i'Orientai: Chronique d'une famiiie berbere 

marocaine. Paris: La Decouverte, 1984. 
Pavis d'Escurac, Henriette. "Apulee: Rheteur africain de la province romaine." 

In Les Africains, vol. 5, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 45-74. Paris: 

Editions Jeune Afrique, 1978. 
Roux, Arsene. "Les aventures extraordinaires de Sidi Hmad-u-Musa, patron de 

Tazerwalt." Hesperis 39 (1952): 75-96. 
Stroomer, Harry, and Michael Peyron. Cataiogue des archives du "Fonds Ar- 

sene Roux." Cologne: Riidiger Koppe Verlag, 2004. 
Talbi, M. "Ibn Tumart ou le parti avant la dynastie almohade." In L es Africains, 

vol. 11, edited by Charles Andre Julien et al., 135-66. Paris: Editions Jeune 

Afrique, 1978. 

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C. Classic Manuscripts, Translations, and Critical Commentary 

Anonymous. Kitab tadhkiratal-nisyan fi akhbar muluk al-sudan. Translated by 

O. Houdas. 2 vols. Paris: ELOV, 1899-1901. 
.Kitab al-istibsar fi 'aja'ib al-amsar. Translated by E. Fagnan, L'Afrique 

septentrionale au Xlle S. de notre ere. Recueil Societe d'Archeologie de 

Constantine XXXII, 1900. 
. Kitab mafakhir ai-barbar. Edition by Evariste Levi-Provencal as, Frag- 

ments historique sur les Berberes au Moyen-Age. Extraits inedits d'un re- 
cueil anonyme compile en 712-1312. Rabat, 1934. 

.Ai-huiai al-mawshiya fi dhikr ai-akhbar al-marrakushiya. Edition by al- 

bashir al-furti. Tunis, 1911, and translated by I. S. Allouche as Chronique 
anonyme des dynasties aimoravide et aimohade. Texte arabe publie d'apres 
de nouveaux manuscrits par I. S. Allouche. Rabat, 1936. 

Al-Ansari, Muhammad Ben al-Qasim bn 'Abd al-Malik. Ikhtisar ai-akhbar 
'amma kana bi-thaghr sabta min saniya al-athar. Edition by Muhammad bn 
Tawit in Titwan 3-4 (1958-1959): 73-97, and by 'abd al-wahhab bn mansur; 
Rabat, 1969. Translated with notes and glossary by E. Levi-Provencal as U ne 
description de Ceuta musuimane au XVe siecle (texte arabe). Hesperis 12 
(1931): 145-76. 

Al-Badisi, ' Abd al-Haqq. Ai-maqsad al-sharif, wa-l-manza' al-lat!ffi dhikr Su- 
iaha ai-rif. Translated by G. S. Colin, Vie des Saints du Rif. Paris: Archives 
Marocaines XXVI, 1926. 

Huici Miranda. "Ambrosio: Un fragmente inedito de Ibn Tdari sobre los Al- 
moravides." H esperis-Tamuda 2 (1961): 43-111. 

Ibn al-Ahmar, Abu al-Walid Isma'il. Rawdat an-nisrin. Edition and translation 
(as Histoire des Beni Merin, rois de Fas) by Ghaoutsi Bouali and Georges 
Marcais. Paris, 1917. 

Ibn Anas, Malik. Ai-muwatta of Imam Malik Ben Anas (The First Formulation 
of Islamic Law). Translated by Aisha Abdurrahman Bewley. London: Kegan 
Paul, 1989. 

Ibn al-Darraj, Muhammad Bn 'Umar. Ittijahat adabiya wa-hadariya fi ' asr 
ban! marin, aw kitab al-imta' wa-l-intifa' bi-maslat al-sama'/li-ibn al-dar- 
raj al-Sabti. Edited by Muhammad Bn Shaqrfln. Kenitra: matba'at al-an- 
dalus, 1982. 

Ibn TdharT, Abu al-'Abbas Ahmad bn Muhammad, al-MarrakushT. Kitab al- 
bayan al-mughrib fi akhbar muluk al-andalus wa-l-maghrib (1205). Trans- 
lated as Los Almohades. 2 vols. Tetouan, 1953-1954, and an edition by A. 
Huici and M. Kattani. Tetouan, 1963. Also published as Histoire del'Afrique 
du Nord et de I'Espagne musuimane, by G. S. Colin and E. Levi-Provencal. 
2 vols. Leiden, 1948-1951. 

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Ibn Khaldun, Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman. Kitab al- 'ibar wa-diwan al-mubtada' 
wa-l-khabar ft ayyam al-'arab wa-l-'ajam wa-l-barbar wa-man 'asarahum 
min dhawi al-sultan al-akbar. Translated by M. G. de Slane as Histoire des 
Berberes et des dynasties musulmanes de I'Afrique septentrionale. 4 vols. 
Algiers: Imprimerie du gouvernement, 1847-1851; Paris: Geuthner, 
1925-1934, 1956. 

. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. Translated by Franz 

Rosenthal. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1967. 

Ibn Marzuq, Muhammad Bn Ahmed. "Al-Musnad." Translated by E. Levi- 
Provencal as "Un nouveau texte d'histoire merinide: Les Musnad dTbn 
Marzuk." Hesperis 5 (1925): 1-82. 

. El Musnad: HechosMemorables du Abu al-Hassan, Sultan de los Ben- 

imerinos. Translated and edited by Maria J. Viguera. Madrid: Instituto His- 
pano-Arabe de Cultura, 1977. 

Levi-Provenfal, Evariste. Documents inedits d'histoire almohade. Paris: Li- 
brairie orientaliste, 1928. 

. "Un recueil de lettres officielles almohades. Introduction et etude diplo- 
matique. Analyse et commentaire historique." Hesperis 28 (1941): 1-80. 

Marmol Caravajal, Louis de. Descripcion general de Africa. 3 vols. Granada, 

Al-Muqaddasi. Description de I 'Occident M usulman au IVe si eel e. Translated 
by Ch. Pellat. Algiers: Bibliotheque Arabe Franchise, 1950. 

Al-Murrakushi, al-'Abbas bn Ibrahim. Al-i'lam bi-man halla murrakush wa- 
aghmat min al-a'lam. 8 vols. Fas: matba'at al-jadida, 1936. 

Al-Nasiri, Abu al-'Abbas Ahmed Ben Khalid, al-Salawi. Kitab al-istiqsa II- 
akhbar duwal al-maghrib al-aqsa. tahqiq wa-ta'liq waladay al-mu'allif 
sahabi al-sa'ada al-ustadh: ja'far al-nasiri wa-l-ustadh muhammad al- 
nasiri. Vol. 1 of 9 vols. Al-dar al-bayda': dar al-kuttab, 1954-1956. 

Pellegrin, A. "Les manuscrits de langues berberes." La Kahena 21 (1941): 

Roudh el-Kirtas. Histoire des souverains du Maghreb (Espagne et Maroc) et 
annates de la ville deFes. Tranlsated from Arabic by A. Baumier. Paris: Im- 
primerie imperiale, 1860. 

Al-Sa'di, 'Abd al-Rahman Bn 'Abd Allah al-Sudani. Ta'rikh al- Sudan. Edited 
and translated by O. Houdas. 2 vols. Paris: ELOV, 1898-1900. 

Sallustius, Crispus, C. French translation: Salluste. Conjuration de Catalina. 
Guerre de jugurtha. Fragments des Histoires. English translation: The 
Jugurthine War and the Conspiracy of Catiline. Baltimore: Penguin, 1963. 

Shatzmiller, Maya. "Une source meconnue de l'histoire des Berberes: Le Kitab 
al-Ansab li-Abi Hayyan." Arabica 30 (1983): 73-79. 

Al-Wansharisi, Abu-l-'Abbas Ahmed Bn Yahya Bn Muhammad. Al-mi'yar al- 
mu'ribwa-l-jami' al-mughrib 'an fatawi ifriqiya wa-l-andalus wa-l-maghrib. 
Partial translations in Archives Marocaines 2 (1904): 75-210; 12 (1907): 

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Al-Yaqubi. Kitab al-buldan (889). Edited by De Goeje, Leyde, 1860. Trans- 
lated by G. Wiet as L es pays, vol. 1 . Cairo: PIFAO, 1937. 

al-Zakarsi. Ta'rikh al-dawlatayn al-muwahhidiya wa-l-hafsiya. Tunis, 1872. 
Translated by E. Fagnan as Chronique des Almohades et desHafsides. Con- 
stantine: Adolphe Braham, 1895. 

Zarhuni, Sayyidi Muhammad Ben al-Haj Ibrahim. La rihla du marabout de 
Tasaft. Notes sur l'histoire de l'Atlas. Texte arabe du XVIIIe siecle. Trans- 
lated and annotated by Louis Justinard. Paris: Geuthner, 1940. 

al-Zayyani, Abu al-Qasim Ben Ahmed Ben 'Alt Bn Ibrahim. Al-turjuman al- 
mu'rib 'an duwal al-mashriq wa-l-maghrib. Partially translated by O. 
Houdas as LeMaroc de 1631 a 1812. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1969. 

. Al-turjuman al-kubra ft akhbar al-ma'mur barran wa-bahran. 

Haqqaqahu wa-'alaqa 'alayh 'Abd al-Karim al-Filali. Rabat: matba'at al- 
ma'arif al-jadida, 1991. 

Zniber, Mohammed. "Coup d'oeil sur quelques chroniques almohades recem- 
ment publiees. " H esperis-Tamuda 7 (1966): 41-60. 

D. Edited Collections 

Addi, Lahouari, ed. L'anthropologie du Maghreb selon Berque, Bourdieu, 
Geertz etGellner. Paris: Awal/Ibis Press, 2003. 

Anonymous. M elanges Rene Basset: Etudes nord-africaines et orientales. Pub- 
liees par l'lnstitut des hautes etudes marocaines. 2 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 

.Abd el-Krim et la Republique du Rif. Paris: Maspero, 1976. Papers from 

a Colloquium held in Paris on January 18-20, 1973. 

"Recherches sur l'lslam: histoire et anthropologic." Annates: 

Economies, Societes, Civilisations. Numero special 35e annee, nos. 3^1 
(May-August 1980). 

. Rivages et deserts: Hommage a Jacques Berque. Paris: Sindbad, 1988. 

Ben-Ami, Issachar, ed. Recherches sur la culture desjuifs d'Afrique du Nord. 

Jerusalem: Communaute Israelite Nord-africaine, 1990. 
Brett, Michael, ed. Northern Africa: Islam and Modernization. London: Frank 

Cass, 1973. 
Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc. Recherches recente sur le Maroc 

M odeme. Actes de Durham. Rabat, 1978. 
. En hommage a Paul Pascon. Colloque international sur le devenir de la 

societe rurale au Maroc. Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc no. 

159-161 (1988). 
Cannon, Byron, ed. Terroirs et societes au M aghreb et au M oyen rient. Semi- 

naire IRMAC 1983^1, table ronde franco-americaine CNRS/NSF, Lyon, juin 

1984 sous la direction de B. Cannon. Lyon: Maison de l'Orient, 1987. 

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Collectif. Penseurs maghrebins contemporains. Casablanca: Editions EDDIF, 

Entelis, John, ed. Islam, Democracy, and the State in North A frica. Blooming- 
ton: Indiana University Press, 1997. 

Gellner, Ernest, ed. Islam, societe et communaute: Anthropologies du M aghreb. 
Paris: CNRS, 1981. 

. Islamic Dilemmas: Reformers, Nationalists, and Industrialization: The 

Southern Shore of the Mediterranean. Berlin: Mouton, 1985. 

Gellner, Ernest, and Charles Micaud, eds. Arabs and Berbers: From Tribe to 
Nation in North Africa. London: Duckworth, 1973. 

Gellner, Ernest, and John Waterbury, eds. Patrons and Clients in M editerranean 
Societies. London: Duckworth; Hanover, N.H.: Center for Mediterranean 
Studies of the American Universities Field Staff, 1977. 

Jimenez, Manuel Olmedo, ed. Espaha y el Norte de A frica: B ases historicas de 
una relacion fundamental (aportaciones sobre Melilla). Direccion e intro- 
duccion por Manuel Olmedo Jimenez. Congreso Hispano-Africano de las 
Culturas Mediterraneas "Fernando de los Rfos Urruti" (1st: Escuela Univer- 
sitaria de Magisterio de Melilla, 1984). Granada: Publicaciones de la Uni- 
versidad de Granada. Melilla: Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Melilla, 1987. 

Joffe, E. G. H., ed. Worth Africa: Nation, State and Region. SOAS Contempo- 
rary Politics and Culture in the Middle East. London: Routledge, 1993. 

Joffe, E. G. H., and C. R. Pennell. Tribe and State: Essays in Honour of David 
M ontgomery H art. Cambridge: Middle East and North Africa Studies Press, 

al-Naquri, Idris, ed. Al-mukhtar al-susi al-dhakira al-musta'ada. a'mal al- 
nadwa allati nazzamaha ittihad kuttab al-maghrib bi-ta'awun ma'a al-ma- 
jlisal-baladi li-madina agadir. Al-dar al-bayda' : matba'atal-najah al-jadida, 

Zartman, I. William, and William Mark Habeeb, eds. Polity and Society in C 0/7- 
temporary North Africa: State, Culture, and Society in Arab North Africa. 
Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993. 

E. Dictionaries 

Centre de Recherche Berbere. H ommes et Femmes de K abylie: D ictionnaire bi- 
ographique, historique et culture!. Sous la direction de Salem Chaker. Insti- 
tut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales. Vol. 1. Aix-en- 
Provence: Ina-Yas/Edisud Editions, 2001. 

Chafik, Mohamed. Al-mu'jam i al-'arabi al-amazighi. 3 vols. Rabat: al- 
akadimiyyah al-maghribiyya, 1999, 2000. 

Cid Kaoui, Said. D ictionnaire francais-tamaheq. Algiers: A. Jourdan, 1894. 

. D ictionnaire pratique tamaheq-francais. Algiers: A. Jourdan, 1900. 

. D ictionnaire francais-tachelhit et tamazight. Paris: Leroux, 1907. 

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Creusat, Jean Baptiste. Essai de dictionnaire fran;ais-kabyle. Algiers: A. Jour- 
dan, 1873. 

Dallet, Jean Marie. D ictionnaire kabyle-frangais. Paris: Societe des Etudes Lin- 
guistiques et Anthropologiques de France, 1982. 

Decalo, Samuel. Historical Dictionary of Chad. 3rd ed. Lanham, Md.: Scare- 
crow Press, 1997. 

. Historical Dictionary of Niger. 3rd ed. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 


Delheure, Jean. Ag'raw n yiwalen tumz'abt t-tfransist/D ictionnaire mozabite- 
frangais. Paris: SELAF, 1984. 

Destaing, Edmond. Dictionnaire berbere. Paris: Leroux, 1920. 

El Mountassir, Abdallah. Dictionnaire des verbes tachelhit-francais (parler 
berbere du Sud du Maroc). Paris: L'Harmattan, 2003. 

Foucauld, Charles de. Dictionnaire touareg-frangais dialecte de I'Ahaggar. 4 
vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1951-1952. 

Gerteiny, Alfred G. Historical Dictionary of Mauritania. Metuchen, N.J.: 
Scarecrow Press, 1981. 

Haddachi A. D ictionnaire de Tamazight (parler des Ayt M erghad-Ayt Yaflman) . 
Sale: Beni Iznassen, 2000. 

Haddadou, Mohand Akli. Guide pratique de la culture et la langue berberes. 
Algiers: ENAL, 1994, 

.Le guide de la culture berbere. Paris: Ina-Yas-Paris Mediterranee, 2000. 

.Almanach Berbere: Assegwes imazighen. Algiers: Editions Ina-Yas, 2002. 

Heggoy, Alf Andrew. Historical Dictionary of Algeria. 1st ed. Lanham, Md.: 
Scarecrow Press, 1981. 

Hodges, Tony. H istorical D ictionary of Western Sahara . Metuchen, N.J.: Scare- 
crow Press, 1982. 

Huyghe, G. Dictionnaire chaouia-arabe-kabyle-francais. Algiers, 1907 

.Dictionnaire franc ais-chaouia. Algiers: A. Jom-dan, 1906. 

.Dictionnaire kabyle-frangais. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1901. 

.Dictionnaire frangais-kabyle. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1903. 

Imperato, Pascal. Historical Dictionary of Mali. 3rd ed. Lanham, Md.: Scare- 
crow Press, 1996. 

Jordan, Antoine. Dictionnaire berbere-frangais (Dialectes Tashelhayt). Rabat: 
Omnia, 1934. 

Lipinski, Edouard, ed. Dictionnaire de la civilisation phenicienne et punique. 
Turnhout: Brepols, 1992. 

Nai't-Zerrad, Kamal. Dictionnaire des racines Berbere. Paris: Ed. Peeters, 

Naylor, P., and A. Heggoy. Historical Dictionary of Algeria. 2nd ed. Lanham, 
Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1994. 

Park, Thomas K. Historical Dictionary of Morocco. New ed. Lanham, Md.: 
Scarecrow Press, 1996. 

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Pazzanita, Anthony G. Historical Dictionary of Mauritania. 2nd ed. Lanham, 

Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1996. 
Pazzanita, A. G., and T. Hodges. Historical Dictionary of Western Sahara. 2nd 

ed. Metuchen, N J.: Scarecrow Press, 1994. 
Perkins, Kenneth. Historical Dictionary of Tunisia. 2nd ed. Lanham, Md.: 

Scarecrow Press, 1997. 
Ronart, Stephan, and Nandy Ronart. Concise Encyclopedia of Arabic Civiliza- 
tion (the Arab West). New York: Praeger, 1966. 
St. John, R. B . H istorical D ictionary of Libya . 3rd ed. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow 

Press, 1998. 
Stora, Benjamin. Dictionnaire bibliographique de militants nationalistes al- 

geriens. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1985. 
Tai'fi, Miloud. Dictionnaire tamazight-francais (Parlers du Maroc central). 

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Loyd, Alan. Destroy Carthage: The Death Throes of an Ancient Culture. Lon- 
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MacKendrick, Paul. The North African Stones Speak. Chapel Hill: University 
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Moderan, Yves. "La decouverte des Maures: Reflexions sur la 'Reconquete' 
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Saint-Martin de, L. V. Le Word de I' Afrique dans I'antiquite grecque et ro- 
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Saumagne, Charles. La Numidie etRome: Masinissa etjugurtha. Paris: Presses 
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Warmington, Brian. The North A frican Provinces from D iocletian to the Vandal 
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Baker, Graeme, John Lloyd, and Joyce Reynolds. Cyrenaica in Antiquity. 
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Benabou, Marcel. La resistance africaine a la romanisation. Paris: Francois 
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Brett, Michael. "Ifiquiya as a Market for Saharan Trade from the Tenth to the 
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Garnsey, P. "Taxation and Politicization in Roman Africa." Journal of Roman 
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. Caravans of the Old Sahara: An Introduction to the H istory of the West- 

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. "Great States Revisited.") oumal of African History 15, no. 3 (1974): 


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Roberts, Richard. Warriors, M erchants, and Slaves: The State and the Economy 

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. "Petite chronique des Idou Aich, heritiers guerriers des almoravides sa- 

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Balout, L. "Quelques problemes nord-africains de chronologie prehistorique." 

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Rodrique, Alain. "Gravures rupestres libyco-berberes de Marrakech: Analyse 
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Tarradell, M. L ixus. H Istoria de la ciudad. G uia de la ruinas y de la section de 
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Thouvenot, Raymond. "Une forteresse almohade pres de Rabat: Dcira." Hes- 
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1 . Morocco 

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Frend, W. H. C. The Donati st Church: A Movementof Protest in Roman North 

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Poncet, Jean. "L'evolution des 'genres de vie' en Tunisie. Autour d'une phrase 

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Civilisations 22 (1967): 1099-120. 

. "Encore a propos des hilaliens." A nnales Economies, Societes, Civilisa- 

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Rubiera Mata, Maria Jesus. "Un aspecto de las relaciones entre la Ifriqiya hafsi 
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Cahiers de Tunisie 26 (1978): 165-72. 

Sayous, E. A. "Le commerce europeen en Tunisie au moyen age et au debut de 

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D. Colonial 

1. Algeria 

Boyer, Pierre. La we quotidienne a Alger a la veille de I' intervention francaise. 
Paris: Hachette, 1963. 

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Brett, Michael. "The Arab Conquest and the Rise of Islam in North Africa." In 
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Buck, D. J. "The Role of the State in the Eastern Maghreb, 500 B.C. to 500 a.d." 
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Gai'd, Mouloud. L 'Algerie SOUS les Turcs. Algiers: SNED, 1974. 

Gallisot, Rene. "Pre-Colonial Algeria." Economy and Society 4 (1975): 

Holsinger, Donald C. "Migration, Commerce, and Community: The Mizabis in 
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Keenan, Jeremy. The Tuareg: Peopie ofAhaggar. New York: St. Martin's Press, 

Miller, Aurie Hollingsworth. "One Man's View: William Shaler and Algiers." 
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University Press of America, 1982. 

Seddon, David. "Tribe and State: Approaches to Maghreb History." Maghreb 
Review 2 (May- June 1977): 23-40. 

Thomas, Benjamin. Trade Routes of Aigeria and the Sahara. Berkeley: Uni- 
versity of California Press, 1957. 

Valensi, Lucette. On the Eve of Coioniaiism: North Africa before the French 
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Wolf, Eric. Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century. Norman: University of Ok- 
lahoma Press, 1999 (originally published in 1969). 

2. Libya 

Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. The Making of Modern Libya: State Formation, Colo- 
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. "Legitimacy, Identity and the Writing of History in Libya." In Statecraft 

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Rick Davis and Nicolas Gavrielides, 71-91. Miami: Florida International 
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. "Tribe and State: Libyan Anomalies." In Tribes and State Formation in 

the Middle East, edited by Philip S. Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, 288-302. 

Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. 
Ayoub, M. S. A Short History of Fezzan. Tripoli: n.p., 1967. 
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. The Sanusi of Cyrenaica. Oxford: Oxford University 

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Fisher, Godfrey. Barbary Legend: War, Trade and Piracy in North Africa, 
1415-1830. London: Oxford University Press, 1957. 

Joffe, E. G. H. "British Malta and the Qaramanli Dynasty (1800-1835)." Revue 
d'HistoireMaghrebine (June 1981): 37-38. 

. "Social and Political Structures in the Jafara Plain in the Late Nine- 
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"The French Occupation of the Western Jafara and the Village of Dahi- 

bat, 1890-1891." Libyan Studies 15 (1984): 113-28. 

"Trade and Migration between Malta and the Barbary States during the 

Second Ottoman Occupation of Libya (1835-1911)." In Planning and De- 
velopment in Modern Libya, edited by M. M. Buru, S. M. Ghanem, and K. 
S. McLachlan, 1-32. London: Menas Press, 1985. 

"Frontiers in North Africa." In Boundaries and State Territory in the 

Middle East and North Africa, edited by G. H. Blake and R. N. Schofield, 

24-53. London: Menas Press, 1987. 
Madi, Mohamed. Al-huquq al-madaniyya II al-aqalliyya al-amazighiyya fi al- 

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McLachlan, Keith. "The Role of Indigenous Farming in the Agrarian Structure 

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McLachlan, 33-45. London: Menas Press, 1985. 
Pennell, C. R. "Political Loyalty and the Central Government in Pre-Colonial 

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Joffe and K. S. McLachlan, 1-18. London: Menas Press, 1982. 
. "Tripoli in the Late Seventeenth Century: The Economics of Corsairing 

in a Sterile Country." Libyan Studies 16 (1985): 101-12. 
. "Work on the Early Ottoman Period and Qaramanlis." Libyan Studies 

20 (1989): 215-19. 

Triaud, Jean-Louis. Tchad 1900-1902: U ne guerre franco-libyenne oubliee? 
Paris: LHarmattan, 1988. 

Wright, John. "Colonial and Early Post-Colonial Libya." Libyan Studies 20 
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Villard, Henry Serrano. Libya: The New Arab Kingdom of North Africa. Ithaca, 
N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1956. 

Wright, John. Libya, Chad and the Central Sahara. London: C. Hurst & Co. 

Zartman, I. William. G ovemment and Politics in North A frica . New York: Fred- 
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. "State-Building and the Military in Arab Africa." In The M any Faces of 

National Security in the Arab World, edited by Bahgat Korany, Paul Noble, 
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3. Mali and Niger 

Archinard, L.Le Soudan francais en 1888-1889. Paris: Berger Levrault, 1890. 

. "La Campagne, 1892-1893, au Soudan Francais." Bulletin du Comite 

de I'Afrique Francaise et Renseignements Coloniaux (1896): 1-36. 

Arnaud, R. "Le Dernier Episode de la conquete du Soudan francais: L' Affaire 
de Tabi." Bulletin du Comite de I'Afrique Francaise et Renseignements Colo- 
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Aw, Mahik. "La conquete de la region de Tombouctou par les Fran§ais et la re- 
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Bonnier, G. L 'Occupation de Tombouctou. Paris: Les Editions du Monde Mod- 
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Borgnis-Desbordes, A. Senegal etNiger: La France dans I'Afrique occidentale, 
1879-1883. Paris: Challamel, 1884. 

Cohen, W. B. Rulers of Empire: The French Colonial Service in Africa. Stan- 
ford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press/Stanford University Press, 1977. 

Gallieni, J. S. Deux Campagnes au Soudan francais, 1883-1886. Paris: Ha- 
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Hanotaux, G., and A. Martineau. Histoire des Colonies Francaises et de I'ex- 
pansion de la France dans le Monde. Afrique Occidentale Francaise par 
Maurice Delafosse. Vol. 4. Paris: Societe de l'Histoire Nationale/Librairie 
Plon, 1931. 

Kanya-Forstner, A. S. The Conquest of the Western Sudan: A Study in French 
Military Imperialism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969. 

Peroz, E.Au Niger: Recits de campagne 1891-1892. Paris: Calmann Levy, 1895. 

Sy, Moussa Oumar. "Provinces, cantons et villages du Soudan Francais, des 
origines al'independance." Bulletin de I'IFAN 40 (1978): 488-512. 

Thompson, Virginia, and Richard Adolph. French West Africa . Stanford, Calif.: 
Stanford University Press, 1958. 

4. Mauritania 

Bonte, Pierre. "L'emirat de l'Adrar apres sa conquete coloniale et la dissidence 

de l'Emir Sidi Ahmed." journal des Africanistes (Paris) 54, no. 2 (1984): 

Caratini, Sophie. Les Rgaybat: Des chameliers a la conquete d'un territoire 

(1610- 1934). Vol. 1. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1989. 

.Les Rgaybat: Territoire et SOCiete. Vol. 2. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1989. 

Chassey, Francis de. Mauritanie 1900-1975: Facteurs economiques, poli- 

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. L 'etrier, la houe et le livre: Societes traditionnelles au Sahara et au Sa- 

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Coppolani, Xavier. "Rapport a M. le Gouverneur general de l'A.O.F.: Mission 
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Delaroziere, Marie-Francoise. L'Art du CUir en M auritanie. Aix-en-Provence: 
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Desire- Vuillemin, Genevieve. "Coppolani en Mauritanie." Revue d'Histoire 
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.Les rapports de la M auritanie et du Maroc. St. Louis, Senegal, 1960. 

.Contribution a L 'Histoire de la M auritanie de 1900 a 1934. Dakar: Edi- 
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. Histoire de la Mauritanie des origines a I'independance. Paris: 

Karthala, 1997. 

Gouraud, Henri. Mauritanie, Adrar: Souvenirs d'un Africain. Paris: Librairie 
Pion, 1945. 

. "La pacification de la Mauritanie. Journal de marche et operations de la 

colonne de FAdrar." Bulletin du Comite de I'Afrique Frangaise, mai-juin 

Mamadou Hamidou Ba. "L'emirat de l'Adrar Mauritanien de 1872 a 1908." 
B ulletin de la Societe de G eographie et d'A rcheologie de la P rovince d'Oran 
(Oran, Algeria), (March 1932): 85-119; (June 1932): 263-98. 

Ould Khalifa, Abdallah. La region du Tagant en Mauritanie: L' oasis de Tijigja 
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Puigaudeau, Odette du. "La Ziara de Cheikh Mohammed Fadel (Adrar)." Bul- 
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.Arts et COUtumes des M aures. Paris: Ibis Press, 2002. 

.La Route del'Ouest(Maroc-M auritanie). Paris: Ibis Press, 2002. 

Puigaudeau, Odette du, and Marion Senones. Memoire du Pays Maure. Paris: 
Ibis Press, 2000. 

Tauzin, Aline. LeH enne art des femmes de M auritanie. Paris: Ibis Press, 1998. 

5. Morocco 

Aboud, M'hammed Ahmed Ben. "Contribution a l'etude du mouvement na- 
tionaliste marocain dans l'ancienne zone nord du Maroc (1930-1956)." Re- 
vue d'Histoire Maghrebine 11, no. 35-36 (1984): 221-28. 

Ageron, Charles Robert. Politiques COloniales au M aghreb. Paris: Presses 
universitaires de France, 1972. 

Ayache, Albert. Le Maroc, bilan d'une colonisation. Paris: Editions socials, 

Balafrej, Ahmed. "Les developpements du mouvement nationaliste marocain 
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. "Maroc: la verite sur le protectorat franco-espagnol. L'epopee d'Abd el 

Khalek ToiTes." Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine 22, no. 77-78 (1995): 

"Les annees de premiere jeunesse, les annees de formation." Revue 

d'Histoire Maghrebine 25, no. 91-92 (1998): 423-41. 

. "L'image du Rif dans les ouvrages savants et les oeuvres de fiction." Re- 

vue d'Histoire Maghrebine 26, no. 93-94 (1999): 113-22. 

Becker, Jeronimo. Historia de M arruecos; apuntos para la historia de la pen- 
etracion europea, y principalmente de la espahola, en el Norte de Africa. 
Madrid: Estab. tip. de J. Rates, 1915. 

Benaboud, M'hammad. "Ta'ammulat hawla tarikh al-haraka al-watamya al- 
maghribTya fi al-shamal." Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine 16, no. 53-54 
(1989): 239^14. (Arabic section). 

Ben Bachir Mohammed Messoud. "Pacification de la zone d'influence espag- 
nole au Maroc septentrional (1909-1927)." Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine 
11, no. 35-36(1984): 15-38. 

. "La part prise par le mouvement nationaliste marocain de la zone d'in- 
fluence espagnole dans le processus de liberation du Maroc." Revue d'His- 
toire M aghrebine 13, no. 43-44 (1986): 5-42. 

. Pages d'histoire du M aroc: L e patriotisme marocain face au protectorat 

espagnol. Rabat: Imprimerie El Maarif al jadida, 1993. 

. L e nord du M aroc: L 'independance avantl'independance. J ean Rous et 

le Maroc, 1936-1956. Casablanca: Toubkal; Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996. 

"La participation des rifains a la guerre civile espagnole." Revue d'H is- 

toire M aghrebine 24, no. 87-88 (1997): 459-61 . 

Les relations entre le mouvement nationaliste et la resistance armee, 

dans le nord, en 1953-56. Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine 24, no. 85-86 
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"Le Rif: Souvenirs oraux relatifs au colonialisme espagnol et au na- 

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Berque, Jacques. French North Africa: The M aghrib between Two World Wars. 
Translated by Jean Stewart. New York: Praeger, 1967. 

Bidwell, Robin Leonard. M orocco under Colonial R ule: French Administration 
of Tribal Areas, 1912-1956. London: Cass, 1973. 

Bimberg, E. L. The M oroccan G oums: Tribal Warriors in a M odern War. West- 
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Blanco Izaga, Emilio. Emilio Blanco Izaga: Colonel in the Rif: A Selection of 
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Bueno y Nunez de Prado, Emilio. H istoria de la accion de Espana en M arrue- 
cos desde 1904 a 1921 final de la compana. Madrid: Editorial Iberica, 1929. 

Burke, Edmund, III. "Pan-Islam and Moroccan Resistance to French Penetra- 
tion." journal of African History 13, no. 1 (1972): 97-118. 

. "A Comparative View of French Native Policy in Morocco and Syria, 

1912-1925." Middle East Studies 9 (1973): 175-86. 

"Rural Resistance and Popular Protest in Morocco: Study of the Tribal 

Rebellion of 1911." Revue de I'Occident et du Monde Musulman 13-14 
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Cambra, Fernando P. de. Cuando Abd el-Krim quiso negociar con Franco. 
Barcelona: L. de Caralt, 1981. 

Capitan X. Verdades amargas la campana de 1909 en el Rif: Relato y juicios 
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Driessen, Henk. "Images of Spanish Colonialism in the Rif: An Essay in His- 
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. On the Spanish-Moroccan Frontier: A Study in Ritual, Power, and Eth- 
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Furneaux, Rupert. Abdel-Krim, Emir of the Rif. London: Seeker & Warburg, 

Garcia Figueras, Tomas. Marruecos (la accion de Espana en el norte de 
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. Espana y su protector ado en Marruecos (1912- 1956). Madrid: Instituto 

de Estudios Africanos, 1957. 

Garcia Figueras, Tomas, and Juan L. Fernandez-Lebrez. La zona espanola del 
protectorado de M arruecos. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones 
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Gil Torres, Rodolfo. Espana tingi tan a. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investiga- 
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Goded, Manuel. M arruecos, las etapas de la pacificacion. Madrid: Compana 
ibero-americana de publicaciones (s.a.), 1932. 

Granger, Michel Robert. "Agadir Avant: The Family and the Poor Cousins: 
Native-European Relations in Agadir under the Protectorate." J ournal of 
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Guillaume, General A. Les Berberes Marocains et la Pacification de I'Atlas 
central. Paris: Julliard, 1946. 

Halstead, John P. Rebirth of a Nation: The Origins and Rise of Moroccan Nation- 
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Eastern Studies of Harvard University by Harvard University Press, 1967. 

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Thierry, R. "La repression de l'agression rifaine: La pacification du Maroc." 

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Abdelmoula, Mahmoud. J ihad et colonialisme: La Tunisie et la Tripolitaine 
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Mahjoubi, Ali. L 'etablissement du Protectorat francais en Tunisie. Tunis: Uni- 
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Zangar, Selwa. "Les socialistes et les questions arabes au Fendemain de la pre- 
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7. Algeria 

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2. Mauritania 

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ge 319 

About the Author 

Hsain llahiane(6.A. Catholic University of America; MA. George 
Washington University; Ph.D. University of Arizona) is associate pro- 
fessor of anthropology at Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa. Professor 
Ilahiane is Amazigh and native of the Errachidia province, Morocco. He 
is the author of Ethnicities, Community M aking, and Agrarian Change: 
The Political Ecology of a Moroccan Oasis (2004). He has published 
several scholarly articles on Arabs, Berbers, and Haratine in such pres- 
tigious journals as American Anthropologist, Ethnology, Africa Today, 
Journal of Political Ecology, International journal of Middle East Stud- 
ies, Journal of North African Studies, and Prologues. He has most re- 
cently been studying the uses of mobile phones in economic, social, and 
cultural development in Morocco.